Kirov region. History of the Kirov region. History of Russian cities. Vyatka History of Vyatka in the 18th century

The Patriotic War of 1812 and the Crimean War of 1853-1856 had a great influence on Vyatka society. In the summer of 1812, at the initiative of the Russian public, the formation of the People's Militia began.

THE FIRST MENTION OF VYATKA IN THE CHRONICLES

The Vyatka land has a rich history. It began to be populated in ancient times, apparently already in the Upper Paleolithic time (50-15 thousand years ago). The region has archaeological sites from the Mesolithic, Neolithic and Bronze Age eras. In the 7th century BC. The Iron Age began in the Vyatka basin. The Early Iron Age is represented here by monuments of the Ananino culture. The Ananyin people belonged to the Finno-Ugric ethnic group. There is an assumption that they were called Tissagets, which are mentioned by the ancient Greek historian Herodotus, who placed them to the northeast of the Scythians and Sarmatians. Monuments of this culture are known in large numbers in the lower and middle Vyatka and its tributaries: Nagovitsynskoye settlement (Kirov), Pizhemskoye (near the city of Sovetsk), Krivoborskoye (near the village of Prosnitsa) and others.

In the second half of the 1st millennium AD. Complex ethnic processes took place in the Vyatka basin. In the eastern part of the basin, the formation of Udmurt tribes took place, in the western part the Mari tribes took shape, and in the north of the region - the Komi tribes. These tribes were formed on the basis of the Finno-Ugric linguistic community. But their settlements were rare in the early Middle Ages. Most of the territory was deserted and covered with virgin forests and swamps. The main occupations of the population were agriculture, livestock breeding and hunting fur animals.

At the end of the 12th and beginning of the 13th centuries. Russians began to penetrate into the Vyatka basin, they settled on free lands among the Udmurts and Mari. In the second half of the 13th century. The influx of Russians to Vyatka increased due to the Mongol-Tatar invasion. The oldest Russian settlements are found on Vyatka between Kotelnich and Slobodskoye. Several Russian settlements arose here: Kotelnichskoye, Kovrovskoye, Orlovskoye, Nikulitskoye, Khlynovskoye, etc. The bulk of the settlers went to Vyatka from Novgorod, Ustyug, Suzdal and Nizhny Novgorod lands.

Vyatka was first mentioned in chronicles in 1374 in connection with the campaign of the Novgorod Ushkuiniki against Volga Bulgaria, which at that time was part of the Golden Horde. “In the summer of 6882 (1374) the Ushkun bandits, 90 Ushkunites, went down the Vyatka River, plundered Vyatka and took the Bulgarians on their way.”

In the 70s XIV century The Vyatka land was part of the Nizhny Novgorod principality. In 1393, this principality was annexed to Moscow. The Nizhny Novgorod princes, after a long struggle, were forced to submit and received the Vyatka land as their inheritance. In 1411, the Suzdal-Nizhny Novgorod princes made a new attempt to regain their possessions, but were again defeated. The short-lived Vyatka principality was liquidated, the Vyatka land was transferred into the possession of Yuri Galitsky. Vyatchans actively participated in the Feudal War in the middle. XV century on the side of his overlord Yuri Galitsky and his son Vasily Kosoy. The war ended with the victory of Vasily the Dark. The Vyatchans were forced to recognize themselves as vassals of the Grand Duke of Moscow. In the 60s - early 80s. XV century The Vyatchans, together with the entire Russian people, fought against the Tatar khanates. In 1468, they took part in the campaign of Ivan III’s troops against the Kazan Khanate. In 1471, when the Golden Horde Khan Akhmat was preparing a big campaign against Moscow, and the troops of Ivan III were busy fighting the Novgorod Republic, the Vyatchans under the command of Kostya Yuryev made a bold campaign against the capital of the Golden Horde - the city of Sarai. In 1478, the Vyatchans, with the help of the Ustyug residents, repelled the raid of Khan Ibrahim on Vyatka. During these years, the country was in the process of creating a single centralized state. In Vyatka, as in other lands, two groups formed. One, led by K. Yuryev, supported the unification activities of Moscow, the other advocated the preservation of the appanage-autonomist system. All R. 80s XV century A fierce struggle broke out between them, in which the anti-Moscow group won. In 1485, the Vyatka boyars refused to take part in the campaign against Kazan led by Ivan III, concluding a separate peace with the Tatars. In response, the Moscow government sent a strong detachment to Vyatka under the command of governor Yuri Shestak Kutuzov, but the Moscow army was unable to take Khlynov and returned back.

The Vyatka boyars expelled the Grand Duke's governor and declared Vyatka independent. Supporters of Moscow, led by K. Yuryev, were forced to flee from Khlynov. In 1489, Ivan III sent a 64,000-strong army to Vyatka. In July, Moscow troops captured Kotelnich and Orlov, and in the middle. August began the siege of Khlynov. The people of Vyatcha were forced to capitulate, recognize the power of Ivan III and hand over their leaders. In 1490, Vyatka was “divorced”. All the boyars, living people, merchants were evicted to different places of the Moscow state, and the residents of Ustyug and other cities were resettled in their place.

ACCESSION OF VYATKA LAND TO THE UNITED RUSSIAN STATE

The annexation of the Vyatka land to the unified Russian state had progressive significance. The lands along the middle reaches of the Vyatka and Cheptsy rivers and the Arsk land were considered Vyatka; the actual territory of the future Vyatka district, part of Slobodsky (with the exception of Kaya and its volosts), part of Glazovsky, a small part of Nolinsky, as well as Oryol and Kotelnichsky districts. To the south of Kotelnich, as well as along the Suna and Voya rivers, the meadow Mari lived. It contributed to the development of production forces, the growth of agriculture, industry and trade. Khlynov in the 17th century was the largest city in northeast Russia. The territory of the Vyatka land at that time was significantly smaller than the modern Kirov region. The southern regions were under the rule of the Kazan Khanate. The border position of the Vyatka region led to the fact that the Vyatchans had to take an active part in the fight against the Tatars. In 1542, the Kazan Tatars raided Ustyug Veliky through the Vyatka land. When they were returning with large booty, the Vyatchans intercepted them at the mouth of the Moloma River and, after a difficult battle, completely defeated the enemies. The Vyatka regiment took part in the campaign against Kazan in 1545, 1551-1552, against Astrakhan in 1554, 1556, in the “Cheremis War” 1552-1557. Thus, the Vyatchans played a significant role in annexing the entire Volga region from Nizhny Novgorod to the Caspian Sea to the Russian state. During the capture of Kazan by Ivan IV, the Malmyzh fortress appeared; At the same time, Tsarevosanchursk, Yaransk, Urzhum, as well as settlements and large villages were formed: Kukarka (Sovetsk), Vyatskie Polyany, Vsekhsvyatskoe (Elabuga), Sarapul and others. In these “Ukrainian” cities for Vyatka, the population increases due to transfers from the near-Volga and other cities, due to the Russified Mari. Fugitive peasants and Old Believers began to intensively populate these southern regions. The north and south of the Vyatka land lived relatively autonomously: the northern territories gravitated towards the Pomeranian centers (Russian North), and the southern ones - towards the Ponizovs (Middle Volga region).

In the 16th century, Russians began to penetrate into the southern regions, which were not yet considered Vyatka proper and gravitated towards the Volga region. During this period of time, among all the territories of the Russian state, the Vyatka land occupied one of the first places in terms of intensity of settlement and economic development. The surnames Vylegzhanins, Vychuzhanins, Luzyanins, Sysolyatins, Dvinyaninovs, Kargopolovs, Kargapoltsevs, Mezentsevs, Ustyuzhanins, Permyakovs, Kholmogorovs, Perminovs indicate a large proportion of immigrants from Primorye among the newcomer population. The high pace of development is evidenced by the predominance of “newly cleared” repairs. The influx of Russian population led to the fact that the Udmurts left the western regions of the Vyatka land, concentrating in the river basin. Cheptsy and its tributaries. The gradual process of assimilation and Christianization also contributed to changes in the ethnic composition of the population in the western regions of the Vyatka Territory. The processes of Russification are also evidenced by a significant number of Russian peasants recorded in the scribe books with the characteristic surnames Votyakovs, Votintsevs, Novokreshchenovs, Novokshonovs, Permyakovs, Chersmisins, Cheremisinovs, Chuvashovs, etc. The settlement of the Kama region by Russians went in two directions: from the upper reaches of the Kama, from the territory Perm the Great and from the west - the territory of the Vyatka land. By the 90s of the 15th century, three areas of concentration of the Russian population had formed on the territory of the Udmurt Kama region: Sarapulsky, Karakulinsky and Elabuga; at the end of the 16th century, the Vyatskopolyansky district began to form. In the last quarter of the 16th century. Vyatka was obliged to supply grain to the Siberian Khanate, which had just been annexed to Russia, to supply military and service people settled in the newly built Siberian cities. In the 90s Vyatka sent there 3,260 quarters of bread annually (a quarter - 210 liters). At the end of the 16th century. Monasteries began to appear on the Vyatka land. In 1580, Abbot Trifon founded the first of them - the Assumption Monastery in Khlynov, which received the name Trifonova.

In the 30-50s. XVI century in the Vyatka cities there were popular unrest caused by exorbitant extortions and abuses of the governors. A similar movement unfolded in many places in Russia. The government was forced to make concessions. Cities received “labor charters” that established elective government. The first “labial charter” was received by the city of Slobodskoy in 1540. The remaining cities of the Vyatka land received them two years later.

In 1557, instead of viceroy rule, the zemstvo system was finally introduced. The local population began to elect zemstvo elders, settlements, provincial governors, customs tselalniks, village elders, sotskys, etc. The central government was represented by governors and elected city clerks, who exercised military and police leadership in the cities.

Under Boris Godunov, the Vyatka region for the first time became a place of exile for “disgraced” people disliked by the tsar. The uncle of the future tsar Mikhail Fedorovich, V.N. Romanov, was exiled to Yaransk, and a close relative of the Romanovs, Prince A. Repnin, and another relative of the Romanovs, Prince I .B.Cherkassky was exiled to Malmyzh.

By the end of the 16th century. In connection with the liquidation of the Siberian Khanate, the Vyatka land ceased to be the outskirts of the Russian state. It was now a connecting link between the central, Volga, Pomeranian and Ural-Siberian regions.

"TIME OF TROUBLES "

During the "Time of Troubles" at the beginning of the 17th century. The Vyatka land became the scene of a fierce struggle between supporters of Tsar Vasily Shuisky and False Dmitry II, the “Tushinsky thief.” The siege of Moscow by the forces of False Dmitry II served as a signal for a massive uprising of Russian, Mari, Mordovian and Chuvash peasants in the Volga region. In January 1609 it spread to the Vyatka land. The rebels hoped to see a “good king” in the face of the impostor, hoping for a relief from their fate. Therefore, the rebels recognized False Dmitry I as Tsar and practically acted together with the Tushino detachments, commanded in the Volga region by the famous Polish adventurer Lisovsky. The rebels occupied Tsarevosanchursk, Yaransk, Kukarka, Kotelnich. The Khlynovsky governor, Prince M.F. Ukhtomsky, who concentrated his troops in the city of Orlov, managed to stop the further advance of the rebels. In December 1609, a detachment of royal troops under the command of P.I. Mansurov was sent to help him. In January 1610, the rebels were defeated in a stubborn battle near Yaransk and fled across the Volga through Tsarevosanchursk. At the same time, the residents of Vyatcha, together with all the cities of the North, took an active part in the fight against the Polish invaders settled in Tushino.

In March 1609, a zemstvo militia was formed in Vyatka, which moved to Vologda to join the militia of other cities. These detachments joined the army of the young, talented Russian commander M.V. Skopin-Shuisky, which lifted the siege of Moscow and forced False Dmitry II to flee to Kaluga. The Vyatka regiment under the command of governor P.I. Mansurov was part of the First People's Militia of 1611 under the leadership of P. Lyapunov, D. Trubetskoy, I. Zarussky. Subsequently, both of these detachments of Vyatchans became part of the people’s militia of Minin and Pozharsky. The residents of Vyatcha also took part in the work of the Zemsky Sobor in 1613 to elect a new king. Four of them signed the electoral list - they were Putilo Ryazantsev, gunner Parmen Afanasyev, Archimandrite Jonah of the Trifonov Monastery and Archpriest Pavel of the Khlynovsky Cathedral. The 17th century entered Russian history as the Rebellious Age. Vyatka was no exception. In 1635, a major uprising broke out in Khlynov, and in 1673 a similar uprising took place in Kaigorod. Strong unrest broke out during the Peasant War of 1670-1671. under the leadership of Stepan Razin. In 1670, an immediate danger arose for the Vyatka region, when a large detachment of rebels led by I.I. Dolgopolov appeared in the Vetluzhsky region. The Razins even managed to capture Tsarevosanchursk for a short time. Their scouts penetrated Yaransk, Orlov, Khlynov. All this caused extreme concern to the tsarist administration in Vyatka. Work was hastily organized to strengthen the city of Yaransk and the approaches to it. Almost all the weapons and ammunition from Orlov and Shestakov were brought to Khlynov. Only the defeat of I.I. Dolgopolov’s detachment by governor Narbekov allowed the tsarist governors to breathe freely. Although Vyatka was still in the second half of the 16th century. ceased to be a border land, the government continued to take care of strengthening the city of Khlynov in this turbulent “rebellious” time. In 1668, a wooden wall with towers around the Kremlin was rebuilt in the city, a deep ditch filled with water was dug, and an earthen rampart surrounding the settlement was built and expanded. Wooden walls with towers were also built on Posadsky Val. In the 17th century Khlynov was the largest city in the northeast of European Russia and was slightly inferior to the central one. In the middle of the 17th century. it had 4,400 inhabitants. In 1656, the extensive Vyatka and Great Perm diocese was formed with its center in Khlynov. The beginning of its activities dates back to 1658, when the first bishop Alexander came to Vyatka.

First half of the 18th century in the history of Russia was the time of Peter's reforms. Administrative reforms were of utmost importance for the Vyatka region. In 1699, a reform of city government was carried out. In the Vyatka cities, zemstvo huts were organized, in which the mayors elected by the city population sat.

Zemstvo huts were directly subordinate to the Moscow City Hall and were in charge of city management and improvement, collection of direct and indirect taxes and judicial affairs in the cities. Thus, the urban population was removed from the authority of local governors. According to the provincial reform of 1708-1710, the districts of the Vyatka region Khlynovsky, Kotelnichsky, Orlovsky, Slobodskoy, Shestakovsky and Kaigorodsky became part of the Siberian province, the southern districts of Yaransky, Urzhumsky, Tsarevosanchursky, Malmyzhsky ended up in the Kazan province, and the northern volosts - Lalskaya and Luzskaya in Arkhangelskaya. In 1719, the Vyatka province was established as part of the Siberian province. In 1720, a new city reform took place, significantly reducing the rights of city government bodies - now they were in charge only of city management and improvement. In 1721, there were 14,128 households in the Vyatka province. In 1727, the Vyatka province was transferred to the Kazan province. For the Vyatka region this was of great importance, as it brought its northern regions closer to the southern ones, which historically gravitated towards each other economically and were interconnected by the river system of the Vyatka and Upper Kama basins.. In the second half of the 18th century. In the Vyatka region, administrative and territorial changes occurred related to the provincial reform.

In 1780, the Vyatka governorate was formed with its center in Khlynov, which on this occasion was renamed the city of Vyatka by a special decree of Empress Catherine II. The governorship included the Vyatka province and the southern Vyatka districts of the Kazan province. A total of 13 counties were included. New cities were formed - Glazov (previously the village of Glazovo), Nolinsk (previously the village of Noli) and Sarapul (palace village). At the beginning of the 18th century, the counties were governed by government-appointed governors, subordinate to the Novgorod quarter and the Order of the Kazan Palace. The provinces, established in 1708, were governed by governors, to whom were subordinate the district, and since 1719, the provincial governors. The Vyatka province, transformed from a viceroyalty, was directly governed by the governor with his office and provincial government.

EDUCATION OF VYATKA PROVINCE

In 1796, the Vyatka governorate was transformed into a province. In total, since 1798 there have been 31 governors in Vyatka. In 1802, Kaysky and Tsarevosanchursky districts were liquidated. The city of Kaigorod turned into the village of Kai, Tsarevosanchursk became a provincial town, and one of the oldest Vyatka cities, Shestakov, lost its status, turned into the village of Shestakovo. There were 11 districts left in the Vyatka province: Vyatsky, Orlovsky, Slobodskoy, Kotelnichsky, Nolinsky, Glazovsky, Sarapulsky, Yelabuga, Malmyzhsky, Urzhumsky, Yaransky, which existed until 1918. In 1799, a reorganization of church administration took place, the Vyatka and Velikiy Perm dioceses were divided by two. On the territory of the Vyatka province the diocese of Vyatka and Slobodskaya was formed.

Social life of the province in the first half of the 19th century. was closely connected with all-Russian political events and social movements. The Patriotic War of 1812 and the Crimean War of 1853-1856 had a great influence on Vyatka society. In the summer of 1812, at the initiative of the Russian public, the formation of the People's Militia began. The Vyatka province put 913 people in the people's militia. Vyatka militias took part in the battles of Dresden, Magdeburg, Glogau and ended their campaign near Hamburg. The heroine of the Patriotic War of 1812, N.A. Durova (1783-1866), a native of the Vyatka land, enjoyed universal fame in Russia.

Vyatchans were no less active in defending Russian land during the Crimean War of 1853-1856. A people's militia was formed in the Vyatka province, in which 19,602 people signed up. General P.A. Lanskoy, who arrived in Vyatka together with his wife N.N. Lanskaya, the widow of the great Russian poet A.S. Pushkin, was appointed head of the militia. The organization of the militia proceeded slowly. At this time, the war was already coming to an end, the militia was stopped and dispersed to their homes.

REVOLUTIONARY UNLOCK

Revolutionary unrest also affected students in educational institutions. On October 15, a strike began at the Vyatka Theological Seminary. Fearing a further expansion of the movement, the administration decided to close all educational institutions in the city from November 18, 1905. From December 8 to 18, a political strike of workers of the Vyatka railway workshops and railway lines took place. On December 18, in Vyatka, an armed clash took place between a squad of peasant unions and soldiers sent to disarm them. To restore order in the province, instead of the former governor who fled, a new one was sent - Prince S.D. Gorchakov, who began to actively eradicate sedition with the assistance of soldiers, police guards and Chechens from the Wild Division.

The Vyatka region was among the 33 provinces in which the Stolypin agrarian reform was carried out. The Vyatka peasantry was wary, and in some cases hostile, to government initiatives. By January 1, 1917, only 5% of households left the community, receiving 4.4% of communal allotment lands, which was significantly lower than the all-Russian indicators. An integral part of the reform of P.A. Stolypin was the resettlement of peasants beyond the Urals. For 1906-1914 127 thousand people moved to Siberia from the Vyatka province, at the same time 35,161 people returned back. The outbreak of the First World War and the economic devastation that accompanied it, the loss of breadwinners at the fronts contributed to the rapid growth of spontaneous revolutionary sentiments in the province.

On February 25, the first news from Petrograd about the overthrow of the Tsar arrived in Vyatka. By order of the Vyatka governor, the police seized official telegrams with detailed coverage of events and the first steps of the new government. But already on March 2, Governor N.A. Rudnev recognized the power of the Provisional Government. The city and zemstvo self-government bodies of Vyatka organized a security committee, which gradually took power into its own hands. On March 6, by order of the Provisional Government, Rudnev was removed from office and all powers of the governor were transferred to the Provincial Commissioner, who appointed the chairman of the provincial zemstvo government, P.I. Pankov. The life of the province was heated by the successive election campaigns and elections that followed in a short time - to city dumas, volost, district, provincial zemstvos, and the Constituent Assembly. All of them took place in an atmosphere of typical assault.

The authorities, carried away by the election fever, cared very little about resolving the rapidly growing contradictions in society. When the first news of the October Revolution in Petrograd arrived in Vyatka, the provincial authorities found themselves face to face with intensifying agrarian unrest, impending economic ruin and famine. mass protests of workers, soldier riots. The decisive factor in the victory of the Bolsheviks in Vyatka was the transition to their side of the garrison of Vyatka, primarily the soldiers of the 106th regiment, which made any attempt at armed resistance to the Bolsheviks absolutely hopeless. So all the supporters of the Provisional Government could do was pass resolutions, issue appeals, and organize employee strikes. The Bolsheviks, relying on the armed support of the soldiers of the 106th regiment, with the help of “flying detachments” from the center, arrested members of the Supreme Council created by the provincial zemstvo, members of the strike committee of the illegal officer organization, closed opposition newspapers, occupied and subjugated printing houses, a power plant, a water supply system, telegraph and telephone. On January 5, 1918, the First Provincial Congress of Soviets took place, consolidating the Bolshevik victory in the province and electing new authorities.

CIVIL WAR AND FOREIGN INTERVENTION

The civil war and foreign intervention did not bypass the borders of the Vyatka province. Its territory was crossed by railways, opening the way to Moscow and Petrograd. The province had large reserves of grain. The Izhevsk Arms Plant and a number of metallurgical plants were located on its territory. Directly in the Vyatka region, hostilities began on August 8, 1918, when the Izhevsk and Stepanovsk uprisings simultaneously broke out in the south of the province, held under the slogan “For the Constituent Assembly.” The rebels occupied Izhevsk, Votkinsk, Sarapul, Urzhum, Nolinsk, Yaransk, Sanchursk. But the Emergency Military Revolutionary Headquarters, created in Vyatka, which took full power in the province, and the Bolshevik sponge committee quickly managed to organize a response. Already on August 17, a battalion formed from Bolsheviks, youth, workers and the rural poor defeated the Stepanovites near Lebyazhye, and on August 20 the Red Army soldiers occupied Urzhum. The Stepanovsky rebellion was liquidated. In September, the Special Vyatka Division and other units of the 2nd Army of the Eastern Front began an attack on Izhevsk. On November 7, Izhevsk was taken by troops under the command of V.M. Azin. By mid-November 1918, the White Guard forces in the province were eliminated. In the spring of 1919, the front of the civil war again passed through the territory of the Vyatka region. Kolchak's armies occupied Votkinsk, Sarapul, Izhevsk, and Yelabuga. But already in May, the Red Army went on the offensive and by June 20, 1919, the territory of the province was completely cleared of Kolchak’s troops. On July 3, martial law was lifted and on July 28 the province ceased to be front-line. In 1921-1922. The province was gripped by famine. By the end of 1922, a typhus epidemic broke out in the province. The mortality rate in the region doubled during these years.

The post-war period was accompanied by a restructuring of the life of the province on the basis of a new economic policy. The NEP was carried out in a unique way in the province. Freedom of trade, entrepreneurship, stimulation of the private sector, and other foundations of the NEP were not widely developed either in agriculture, where only the middleization of the peasantry occurred, or in industry. The Vyatka province, as before the revolution, remained a backward agrarian part of Russia.

In January 1923, the country's first branch of the International Organization for Assistance to Fighters of the Revolution (MOPR) began its activities in Vyatka. Members of the Vyatka branch of the MOPR took patronage over political prisoners in three prisons: in Germany, Lithuania and Poland. On January 1, 1926, the ranks of the Vyatka branch of the MOPR already consisted of over 60 thousand members.

In 1929, an administrative-territorial reform took place, the division of the country into provinces, districts and volosts was eliminated. Instead, regional, regional and district branches were introduced. The Vyatka province was liquidated, and its territory became part of the Nizhny Novgorod region. The city of Vyatka became first a district and then a regional center. In 1929, complete collectivization began in the Nizhny Novgorod region and in the districts of the former Vyatka province that were part of it.

RENAME VYATKA TO KIROV

On December 7, 1934, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted a resolution to rename the city of Vyatka to the city of Kirov and the formation of the Kirov Territory. It included the Udmurt Autonomous Region, 37 districts of the Gorky Region (formerly part of the Vyatka Governorate), as well as the Sarapul and Votkinsky districts of the Sverdlovsk Region. In 1936, in connection with the adoption of the new Constitution, the Kirov Territory was transformed into the Kirov Region, and the Udmurt Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic separated from it.

In the troubled pre-war years, many Kirov residents took part in the defeat of the Japanese invaders at Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin Gol River and the White Finns. Participants in the battles in the Khalkhin-Gol area, pilot N.V. Grinev and Major N.F. Grukhin, became the first Kirov residents awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. During these years, the activities of defensive public organizations intensified. In 1940, over 5 thousand primary organizations of the Aviation and Chemical Assistance Societies and the Red Cross united about 200 thousand members. They trained hundreds of shooting sports instructors, thousands of Voroshilov shooters and sanitary guards. The Kirov Aero Club trained parachutists, glider pilots and accountants. Sports societies were active: Dynamo (established in the 1920s), Spartak and Lokomotiv (established in the mid-1930s). On June 23, 1941, a citywide rally took place on Revolution Square in Kirov, in which 40 thousand people took part. Mobilization into the ranks of the Red Army took place in the region. At the beginning of the war, the 311th and 355th rifle divisions, the 109th rifle brigade and other formations were formed in the region. The Vyatka region produced many talented military leaders. Among them are Marshals K.A. Vershinin, L.A. Govorov, I.S. Konev; generals I.P. Alferov, N.D. Zakhvataev, P.T. Mikhalitsyn, A.I. Ratov, V.S. Glebov, D.K. Malkov, N.A. Naumov. All of them were awarded the title "Hero of the Soviet Union". In total, over 200 Kirov residents were awarded this title during the war, about 30 people became holders of the Order of Glory of all three degrees.

The population of the Kirov region not only worked heroically in industry and agriculture, doing everything for a speedy victory, but also provided all possible assistance to the front. The population sent gifts and warm clothes to the front-line soldiers. At their own expense, the working people of the region purchased and sent tens of thousands of sheepskin coats, pairs of felt boots, and fur mittens to the front. With the money collected by Kirov residents, several tank columns and squadrons of combat aircraft were built. During the war years, the defense fund received more than 150 million rubles. Kirov residents passionately cared for the wounded, as well as for the children and families of front-line soldiers evacuated to the region from Leningrad and other regions of the country. During the war, Kirov residents provided great assistance to areas liberated from enemy occupation. The assistance of Kirov residents was especially significant in the restoration of Stalingrad, Donbass, Gomel, and in providing assistance to the rural areas of Kyiv, Smolensk, Leningrad regions, Byelorussian SSR. On May 9, 1945, a rally of 50,000 people took place on Teatralnaya Square on the occasion of Victory Day. During the war, there were over 600 thousand Kirov residents in the Armed Forces of the USSR, 257.9 thousand gave their lives in the fight against enemies.

In the post-war years, the labor successes of Kirov residents were repeatedly highly noted by the government of the country. December 25, 1959 for success in the development of public livestock farming, fulfillment of socialist obligations for the production and sale of meat to the state in 1959

Russian Civilization

Chapter 5. VOTSKY EDGE.

Why do we now often call the territory of the modern Kirov region the Vyatka region? There is only one answer - by the name of the Vyatka River. But what was the name of this river in more ancient times?

The exact origin of the word "Vyatka" is unknown. Udmurt historiography supports the hypothesis that the hydronym comes from the name of the Udmurt “tribe” (in reality, a territorial-compatriot group) “Vatka”.

This version is disputed on the grounds that Finno-Ugric languages ​​do not have a soft V (V"), and Russian V before A never undergoes palatalization (does not soften). The Udmurt name of the river is Vatka(if it had been borrowed by the Russians) this is how it would sound in Russian Vatka, such as the word cotton wool. According to the laws of the Udmurt language, which has no soft sound V, and the stress falls on the last syllable, the word Vyatka, borrowed by the Udmurts from the Russians, should sound exactly like this: Vatka.

According to the most widespread version today, the name “Vyatka” is related to the ancient Russian word vyatshe (vyache, vyatshe)“more”, and was formed by adding the suffix -ka, characteristic of Russian names of rivers. Accordingly, the name Vyatka translated as “bigger”.

But we must take into account one more version. After all, the Udmurt people are now called Udmurts. This word especially began to be used more often after the formation of an autonomous republic in Soviet times. And before that, the Russians who lived in the Vyatka region used a different name for the Udmurts - Votyaks. (At the beginning of Soviet power, the name Votskaya Autonomous Okrug even existed - an area inhabited by Votyaks). I know about this because I studied in Izhevsk (at the Izhevsk Mechanical Institute), and older people still call the Udmurts Votyaks. In addition to the name Votyaks, in ancient Russian chronicles the ancestors of the Udmurts were often called Otyaks (but this is probably the word “Votyaki”, but slightly distorted).

But there is another name applied to the ancestors of the Udmurts - the Ar tribes, as they were called by Arab historians who described the peoples who lived near Bulgaria. But this name applied more to the ancestors of the southern Udmurts. The ancestors of the Mari were often called Ar tribes. After all, initially the ancestors of the Mari lived where the Suvars and Bulgars settled, and the ancestors of the Mari were pushed north - to the south of the Vyatka region. Sometimes the Bulgars called the ancestors of the Udmurts by the name “visu” (all).

By Aru, many researchers mean the land of the Ars - the southern Udmurts. From the 13th century Russian sources also report about the Udmurts. In particular, the “Tale of the Destruction of the Russian Land” says: “Burtasi, Cheremis, Veda and Moredva are beekeepers for the great Prince Volodymer.” Veda (Vyada) is naturally associated with Vatka - the northern Udmurts. The first chronicle mention of the Udmurts dates back to 1379, it talks about the campaign of the Vyatka army to the Arsk land. Since that time, chronicle messages relating to the Udmurts (Votyaks) are no longer uncommon.

For this reason, the reason for calling the Vyatka region “Vyatsky” is quite understandable. This land was inhabited by Votyaks from ancient times. And the Vyatka River was probably called by the name “Vatka”; this entire region was previously called the Votsky region (the land inhabited by the Votyaks).

For this reason, I will sometimes call the Udmurts who lived in the Middle Ages sometimes with the word “Votyaks”. The ancestors of modern Udmurts (votyaks) are descendants of the tribes of the Pyanobor culture, and were part of the Perm group of Finnish-speaking tribes. This group included not only the ancestors of the Udmurts, but also the ancestors of the Komi, Komi-Permyaks, and the ancestors of the Mari.

By the 6th-7th centuries AD The ancestors of the Udmurts finally separated from other related Perm tribes. At these times, they inhabited the vast territory of the Vyatka region - from the Vyatka River to the western bank of the Kama. About the beginning of the history of the land of Vyatka. N.I. Kostomarov noted that “there is nothing in Russian history darker than the fate of Vyatka and its land.” Where did the land of Vyatka come from? What do modern Vyatichi have in common with the Vyatichi chronicled? When and where did the Vyatka lands settle? There is still a lot of uncertainty in the answers to these questions. It is still impossible to answer them exhaustively, despite the recent appearance in historical science of many interesting works and publications related to Vyatka history. We can only try to give a quick sketch, some kind of sketch on this interesting topic. The Udmurts appeared on the pages of written sources relatively late. Even in the Tale of Bygone Years, which lists all the then known peoples with sufficient completeness for that time, there is no mention of them. This is probably explained by the fact that the historiographers of that time did not have direct information about the Udmurts, but received it through intermediaries, perhaps through the Permians (residents of Great Perm - the ancestors of the modern Komi-Permyaks), perhaps without differentiating them from each other. Thus, Perm, apparently, for some time served as a common, collective ethnonym for the Perm Finns, including the ancestors of the Udmurts.

6th century- Votyaks (ancient Udmurts) were first mentioned in the “History” of the ancient Greek historian Herodotus, who lived in the 5th century BC. e. He calls them "budins" and "arimaspi". The ancient name of the Udmurts is Ars (man, man, hence the name of the Arsk land), but let me remind you once again that the ancestors of the Mari, who lived in the south of the Vyatka region, were often called Ars. Votyaks (from the Vatka River), they began to be called already in the 11th-12th centuries, when Russians began to appear on Vyatka Land.

Around 750 A new Turkic-speaking people, the Bulgars, settled on the territory of the lower reaches of the Kama and the middle Volga (this is the territory of modern Tatarstan). This is a Turkic people who came to the Middle Volga (in the lower reaches of the Kama) from the south - from the territory of the steppes of the North Caucasus. From these lands they pushed the ancestors of the Mari (Ars) to the north. The ancestors of the Mari moved to the south of the Vyatka region. In this

territory, a new state began to form - Volga-Kama Bulgaria with its capital in the city of Bulgar. The ancestors of the Mari and Udmurts, who lived north of Bulgaria, began to pay tribute to the Bulgars.

At the same time, the Eastern Slavs (Rusichs) also had their own states - tribal principalities with their own centers. This happened in the upper reaches of the Oka and Volga, as well as in the territories adjacent to the ancient cities - Novgorod, Pskov, Ladoga, Smolensk, Polotsk, Kiev, Pereyaslavl, Turov, Volyn, Ryazan, Rostov, Murom. The closest of the Slavic tribes to the Vyatka region lived the Krivichi - they lived near the ancient city of Rostov (modern Yaroslavl region), also the Ilmen Slavs, who lived near the city of Beloozero (this is in the modern Vologda region). It was from the city of Rostov, as well as from the city of Murom, that the ancient Russians advanced eastward - towards the Vyatka region. From Beloozero, Russians settled in the northern lands (Vologda, Veliky Ustyug, Arkhangelsk).

The settlement of the tribes can be seen on the tribe map, which is located below.

From the map you can see that the western and southern neighbors of the Votyaks were the ancestors of the Mari. In the territories west of the Vyatka River they were often called Cheremis, and the Mari themselves called themselves Mari (sometimes the name Ara was used). To the south of the Votyaks lived the Mari and Bulgars (an alien Turkic people who created their own state there - Bulgaria). To the east and northeast of the Botyaks lived the Permyaks - these are the ancestors of the modern Komi-Permyaks. To the northwest of the Votyaks lived the Chud tribes (Chud, Chud Zavolochskaya). These tribes gradually merged with settlers (Ilmen Slavs) from the Novgorod lands. This happened because the initial direction of settlement of the Ilmen Slavs was precisely the northeastern direction (through the lands of the Chud tribes); the ancient city of Veliky Ustyug was founded there.

For a long time, the ancestors of the Udmurts (Votyaks) had no contact with the Slavs (Ilmen Slavs, Krivichi and Vyatichi), this is also clearly visible on the map.

The traditional occupations of the Udmurts were arable farming and animal husbandry; gardening played a lesser role. Crops: rye, wheat, barley, oats, buckwheat, millet, hemp, flax. They raised draft cattle, cows, pigs, sheep, and poultry. Cabbage, rutabaga, and cucumbers were cultivated in the gardens. Hunting, fishing, beekeeping and gathering played an important role. Crafts and trades were developed - logging, timber harvesting, tar smoking, flour milling, spinning, weaving, knitting, embroidery. Fabrics for the family's needs were entirely produced at home (Udmurt canvases were valued on the market).

The main social unit is the neighboring community (buskel). These are several associations of related families. Small families predominated, but there were also large ones. Such a family had common property, a land plot, a joint farm, and lived on the same estate. Some separated, but at the same time elements of a common economy were preserved, that is, related mutual assistance.

Until the beginning of the 20th century, a large role in the life of the rural population was played by the neighboring agricultural community, headed by a council - kenesh. There were large (up to 50 people) and small families, along with them - nests of related families that had common fields, threshing floors, bathhouses, and widely used various forms of mutual assistance. For a long time, the Udmurts retained vorshuds (vorshud - from the Udmurt vordyny - give birth, raise and shud - happiness). This is both a clan division and the spirit of the patron ancestor of the clan, the deity of the hearth. Each family kept a vorshud on a shelf (mudor - the center of the Earth) in the form of toys - ducks, swans and other living creatures. And today up to 70 vorshuds are known, many of them coincide with childbirth. The clans had tamgas - signs of ownership that marked forest plots, domestic animals, things, etc. Marriages between Udmurts of the same clan were strictly prohibited. Vorshuds remained in the names of cities, villages, rivers - Mozhga, Purga, Bodya, Selta, etc. The Udmurts still know the names of their clans. Until recently, in villages, addressing an adult by his clan name was considered much more respectful than by his first name and patronymic.

The Udmurt folk costume is colorful and varied. It can be divided into two subtypes: northern and southern.

Peasant clothing was divided into festive and everyday clothes. A special set consisted of ritual clothing. In addition, clothing varied according to the gender and age of the wearer. It was made from home-made fabrics: white and colored linen, motley, woolen homespun, cloth. The features of the Udmurt folk costume were most clearly reflected in the set of women's clothing of the northern Udmurts. It was dominated by white color. The clothes were richly decorated with embroidery. For embroidery and decoration they used silk threads, garus, braid, calico, gold and silver threads. The embroidery technique was complex; ancient and labor-intensive stitches were used: counted satin stitch, oblique stitch, cast-on and other techniques. The impeccable taste of the craftswomen was evident in the combination of color and elements of complex ornamentation. In addition, traditional patterns, each of which had its own designation, carried a magical load, in particular, they served as a talisman.

The girl's costume was more modest in terms of embroidery and decoration. The undershirt on the chest was decorated with a triangle of red fabric and fine embroidery. It was located closer to the left side of the chest and protected against damage and the evil eye. Another difference between a girl’s shirt was the embroidery located on the sleeve near the shoulder. The pattern was made with woolen threads of red and black colors. On a white canvas, contrasting geometric shapes looked strict and very decorative. An outer robe with false sleeves was worn over the undershirt in both girls' and women's suits. On a girl's swinging robe, only triangular lapels, collars, shoulders and hem were decorated.

Women's costumes, especially festive and wedding ones, were richly decorated with patterns. Fabric for wedding clothes was made from high-quality processed flax. To give it a special, luminous whiteness, it was repeatedly kept in severe frost. Wide longitudinal embroidery on the sleeve and along the hem was done with shiny silk threads; the hem was decorated with a wide strip of red. The wedding robe was colored with silk stripes along the waist. A lot of decorations were hung over the dress. These were necklaces made of yellow and blue beads interspersed with silver coins or large silver coins with a medallion suspended in the middle with the sign of the family - the Vorshud, to which the bride belonged.

Silver jewelry was especially popular. Many jewelry pieces were made by local craftsmen and otkhodnik jewelers; sometimes they were marked with signs of ownership (tamgas) of the owner. The ringing of metal, which accompanied every step of the bride, was supposed to protect her from the influence of evil spirits and from misfortunes. The same role was played by the bells and bells of the wedding train. One of the important elements of a wedding and festive costume was a bib, which was worn under the outer robe. It was a rectangular piece of canvas fabric with dense embroidery of red and black silk with brown and blue splashes. The patterns on it depicted birds and horse heads. In the center was an eight-pointed star - tolezo puzhy (moon sign), a symbol of the feminine principle.

The wedding suit was completed with an elegant apron, decorated with bright ribbons, stripes of braid and embroidery with beads and tinsel. Hats were an addition to clothing. The girls wore a cap (takya) studded with silver coins and decorated with beads and cowrie shells. The Aishon women's headdress had a high, solid base on which silver coins were sewn. On top and behind it was covered with a scarf (syulyk) with rich embroidery, also filled with enormous magical significance. These headdresses were of great value not only artistically, but also materially.

A mandatory accessory for men's clothing was a belt with an iron buckle, to which an iron ax, a knife in a leather sheath and a leather bag with flint, flint and tinder were attached to a special bracket. Women carried a small purse and a needle case on their belts.

The men's shirt was made from white canvas, the trousers were made from canvas in darker tones. In cold weather, they wore an outer caftan made of half-woolen homespun, a long caftan made of thick cloth and a sheepskin fur coat. In summer, men wore hats, in winter, caps.

In the X-XIV centuries the settlements of the ancestors of the northern Udmurts were concentrated on the territory of the modern Glazov region, as evidenced by the splitting of the settlements of Dondy-Kar, Gurya-Kar, Idna-Kar and others. The ancestors of the southern Udmurts during this period lived along the Kama and its tributary Izhu, partly along the Vale rivers and Kilmezu. The settlements in which the ancestors of the Udmurts lived were fortified with ramparts and ditches. The dwellings were log buildings with fireplaces inside. The basis of the population's economy was arable farming, which in the forest areas of the region developed on the basis of the slash-and-burn system; Cattle breeding and hunting, mainly for fur-bearing animals, also played a major role in the economy. Remains of forges and numerous finds of iron objects in monuments of the 10th-15th centuries. indicate that the ancestors of the Udmurts during this period were familiar with iron smelting. They also knew pottery making and weaving.

Mythology and religion of the Votyaks (Udmurts).

The Udmurt religion was a pantheon of gods and spirits ruled by a triad: Inmar, Kyldysin and Kuaz. IN holidays or in case of important issues and troubles, the ancient Udmurts communicated with the gods through ministers of worship - clergy, who conducted services at special sanctuaries. The main sanctuaries in the Udmurt religion were two places, by the names of which they began to distinguish between the two main Udmurt clans - Kua and Luda.

In the pagan religion of the Udmurts, the main components were considered the cults of family, clan, ancestors and land, that is, what was directly related to their life, while others were secondary and formed a more complex ideological subsystem. The family-tribal cult was often represented by special idols - vorshuds, which were in every family and bore their own name.

Modern Udmurts have preserved part of their ancient pagan culture and folk religion in some areas and villages. It was paganism that many people turned to during the period of instability and difficult post-Soviet crisis, which affected all spheres of society. Now there are holidays, such as Gerber, on which the Udmurts not only observe various rituals and perform prayers, but also venerate various shrines, one of which is pine - the sacred tree of the Udmurts.

The ancient religious beliefs of the Udmurts are grouped mainly around two main cores: family-tribal and agrarian cults. Others (witchcraft, witchcraft, shamanism, totemism) recede into the background40. Once upon a time, the Udmurts had a large pantheon of deities and spirits, the number of which reached 4041. These were personifications of various elements and forces of nature: Vu-murt (water), Nyu-les-murt (goblin), Tol-peri (spirit of the wind), Shundy- mumy (mother of the Sun), Mu-kyldysin (deity of the Earth). Most gods and spirits appeared in the form of anthropomorphic creatures, and their names often included the root “murt” (man). The ancient Udmurts also personified many diseases that took the form of evil spirits: kyl (fever), kezeg (fever), puzhy (measles), chacha (smallpox). The latter often “visited” people, and they tried to pay them off, treating them and seeing them off as honored guests.

At the top of the Udmurt Olympus stood god Inmar, which appears to be of common Finnish origin (Finnish Ilmari, Ilmarinen). His transformation into the supreme god occurred relatively late, under the influence of Islam and Christianity. And even later he merged in the popular imagination with the Christian god. The Udmurts had two forms of family and clan cults: patron shrines and ancestors. They are associated with two stages of development of ancient society - maternal and paternal clan. Although the clan organization among the Udmurts disappeared long ago, remnants of both forms of its cults have survived almost to the present day.

Back at the beginning of the 20th century. Every Udmurt village and almost every family had its own vorshud - a family shrine. A vorshu-house was usually called a bast box in which objects of symbolic meaning were stored. Sometimes a wooden idol, an image of a goose or a swan, became the home. It was kept on a special wooden shelf - Mudor (lit., “edge” or “center of the Earth”) in “Bydzym kua” (“Great ancestral kua”) or in “Pokchi kua” (“Little family kua”), a special ritual building-sanctuary , where prayers were held in honor of the vorshud. Similar buildings were known to almost all Finno-Ugric peoples from the Khanty and Mansi to the Finns. “Bydzym kua” is now almost no longer preserved, and “Pokchi kua” is now usually used in villages as a summer kitchen. Each vorshud had his own name. In total there were about 70 vorshuds. The most famous of them are Bigra, Zhikya, Purga, Tuk-lya, Chabya, etc.43 Once upon a time these were, apparently, the names of Udmurt maternal clans, going back to totemic ancestors (animals, birds, insects). Everyone knew which vorshud he belonged to. Marriages between Udmurts of the same vorshud were not allowed. There were usually two or three vorshuds in the village, the number of “Bydzym kua” corresponded to them; in each sanctuary only members of their own vorshud prayed. A woman was usually called not by her name, but by her vorshud. In general, Vorshud had very complex content. This is a shrine kept in the kuala, and the deity himself - the patron of the clan or family, and his image in the form of a female amulet (dendor), and a set of relatives on the maternal side. The cult of the thief-shud reveals a close connection with the cult of the family hearth. When moving the vorshud to a new place, they took three stones from the hearth of the old “kua”, part of the ash (sometimes several chips were planed from the fireplace hook) and carried them to the new “kua”. Elements of the cult of ancestors have been preserved much more firmly. The family has long been the bearer of this form of belief among the Udmurts. This cult was especially noticeable in the custom of commemorations for the dead. The purpose of memorial rites is to propitiate the dead, to receive their protection and help. After the wake, a farewell ceremony was held for the guests - the spirits of the dead. After the death of their parents, each Udmurt had to arrange a special thanksgiving sacrifice: a horse was sacrificed in honor of the father, and a cow in honor of the mother. They invited relatives and had a feast. This ritual was called “Yyr-pyd shoton” (literally: “Sacrifice of the head and feet”). Carrying out the ritual was burdensome for the family, since the sacrificial animal was expensive. Nowadays, “Yyr-pyd shoton” is rare and in a modified form (for the ritual they simply buy the legs and head of the animal) and it is believed that the custom is observed.

Another set of original beliefs of the Udmurts is grouped into agrarian cults: the veneration of deities associated with agriculture (Inmar, Mu-kyldysin), for the powerlessness of the ancient farmer forced him to turn to the gods. The agricultural rituals of the Udmurts can be divided into winter-spring and summer-autumn. Of the spring cycle, the most striking was the festival of the plow/plow “Akayashka”, or “Hera Potton”.

During the period of ripening of bread, a large prayer and sacrifice was held to the gods with a request for a good harvest. The entire village took part in the prayers, and the bearer of the cult was the rural community, sometimes an association of several villages. The Udmurt prayed on the field and asked in his kuriskon prayer: “O great Inmar! Make sure that the bread grows well, so that it has reed straw, a silver ear, and golden grain. So that this grain field is not overtaken by a squirrel, so that a fox does not outrun, and so that a marten does not overtake.”

In recent years, the republican holiday “Gerber” (“After Plowing”) has become very popular, combining agrarian ritual traditions and innovations.

Since the 16th century (documented since 1557), the Udmurts began to convert to Orthodoxy. Mass Christianization of the Udmurts occurred in the 18th century, and the baptism of the Udmurts continued. They began to translate canonical church literature into the Udmurt language; this process has become most active in recent years. Particularly noteworthy is the ascetic translation activity of Father Mikhail (Dr. M. G. Atamanov). Modern Udmurts have the opportunity to read the “Bible” (“New Testament”), “Children’s Bible”, “Prayer Book”, etc. in their native language, which is also associated with the general activation of the church, the popularity of religion and even the fashion for it in post-Soviet Russia. The absolute majority of Udmurt believers are considered Orthodox Christians. Although it would probably be more accurate to talk about complex forms of religious syncretism among the Udmurts, about two levels of existence of religion: in the home environment - ancient forms of beliefs, in the official environment - Christianity. There were some villages (southern and peripheral Udmurts) that did not accept Christianity; some Udmurts converted to Sunni Islam and became Turkified. In recent years, in Udmurtia, as in some other regions, attempts have appeared to revive neo-paganism and new-fangled religious movements (“Bahai Faith”, “Dianetics Society”, “Vissarionists”, etc.), but they, especially the latter, are not particularly popular .

The supreme deity of the Udmurt pagan religion is traditionally considered Inmar - god of the sky. Also, many researchers identify the “supreme triad of deities”: these are Inmar, the god of the sky, Kuaz, the god of the air space between heaven and earth, and Kyldysin, the god of the earth. Services for them were held either in large village sanctuaries or in forests. Pagan prayers are inextricably linked with offerings of gifts and sacrifices to the deities: from pancakes and pies to cows and horses. Inmaru's gifts and sacrifices were burned at the stake: thus they were sent to heaven. Offerings to Kuazyu were hung on trees, and offerings to Kyldysin were, accordingly, buried in the ground. In addition to the “supreme triad,” we should highlight Lud, the ruler of all evil spirits. But he is not an analogue of the Christian devil; he brings down misfortune on people who commit bad deeds.

Inmar is somewhat similar to the Slavic Svarog. Inmar is a non-personalized deity, which often does not imply personality, but symbolizes the universe and the sky. Like Svaroga (svarga - sky), the name Inmara can be translated as - heavenly something. Inmara is also compared with the Supreme God of other peoples, who correlates with them both by the similarity of the name and by his characteristics: Ilma, Yuma (proto-Finnish-Ugric deity) - God of the sky, air, Finnish, Caric. Ilmarinen, Sami. Ilmaris, Komi Yon and others. Ideas about this deity are quite categorical: Inmar is a good God, creator of heaven, earth, and people.

Kyldysin- one of the highest Gods in the Udmurt pantheon. Kyldysin is a fertility deity. He patronizes women, women in labor, the fertility of the earth, plants, animals, and so on. The importance of this god is difficult to overestimate for peoples; life itself depended on the fertility of the soil, the offspring of livestock and poultry, and the ability of women to give birth to children. Researchers suggest that “Kyldysin” comes from the ancient word - kyldis - creating, creating, fertilizing. The prefix "in" probably comes from the ancient word - yin, which means female, mother, woman. It is not known for certain what place this God occupied in ancient times, but closer to the 20th century, scientists recorded his status next after Inmar. Sometimes Kyldysin plays an intermediary role between Inmar and people. Mu-Kylchin/Kylchin-mumy is considered the earthly counterpart of Kyldysin, lives inside the earth, is the patron of the earth and the feminine principle.

The most a large number of There is information about Vorshud (shud vordys). Vorshud or Vorshuds are the protector of people, the patron of the family, the giver of happiness. The cult of Vorshud is also referred to as the cult of ancestors. Vorshud lives in a vorshud box, which is found in every dwelling or sanctuary - kuala. The Udmurts throw various sacrifices and offerings into the vorshudny box, for example: silver coins, squirrel skins, hazel grouse wings, pike jaw, black grouse feathers, ritual utensils, a piece of sacrificial bread, cereals, tree branches and more. In honor of Vorshud, prayers are held on a variety of days and holidays, whenever possible. Vorshud looks different, sometimes it is a spirit that has no image, sometimes it is depicted as a goose with a silver beak, a bull with golden horns, a humanoid image and others. Vorshud has many names. For example, researchers have already managed to find about 70 names of the same deity - the patron of the home, family and clan, among which are: Mozhga, Bigra, Purga, Kaksya, Bonya, Vortcha, etc.

Among the northern Udmurts, one of the highest Gods is also considered: Kuaz, who is the patron of the atmosphere, weather and weather phenomena; Mudor- patron of the ancestral territory; Invu- God of heavenly waters, heavenly elements, rain.

The entire pantheon of pagan gods of the Udmurts is quite extensive. Researchers count about 40 spirits and deities, as well as their strict hierarchy. Nyulesmurt (forest man) Ludmurt (field grasshopper), Vumurt, Vupush (water one) Tolperi (wind spirit), Kyl (evil spirit), Myzh (disease, damage), Cher (evil spirit of epidemic diseases), Korkamurt (Korka kuzyo) - brownie, Gidkuamurt (Gid kuzyo, gidmurt) - manor man or barnkeeper, Munchomurt (Muncho kuzyo) - bath man, By mumy (mother of water), Pyzep mumy, Chupchi mumy (mother of the rivers Pyzep and Chupchi), Vozho mumy (mother of the summer and winter solstice); Muzyem mumy (mother of the earth), Puzhmer mumy (mother of frost and wind); In mumy (mother of the sky), Shundy mumy (mother of the sun), Tolez mumy (mother of the moon), Gudyri mumy (mother of thunder), Invu mumy (mother of heavenly water), Vukuzyo - water, Telkuzyo - goblin, Yagperi - spirit of the forest, Kutӥs - an evil spirit that sends illness, as well as many others.

The Udmurts had developed pagan-priestly class. It still exists today. The main representatives include: the priest - vӧsya, the spellcaster - utis, the butcher - parchas, the healer - tuno and tӧro. Tӧro is a person who is highly respected and is present at all ceremonies, holidays, rituals, sacrifices and so on.

The main servants of the cult among the Udmurts are the priest Vӧsya and Utis. Vysyas is a person who prays. Usually chosen for 12 years or even life. An interesting fact is that red-haired people are usually chosen as priests, as they are the most beloved by the gods. The obligatory attributes of a priest are: a headdress and birch branches that descend from the shoulders. Birch and birch branches are given special attention in Udmurt beliefs. So, for example, everyone who turns to the Gods must hold in their hands or have on them a birch branch. Utis - a person who casts a spell. The latter has assistants, each of whom specializes in a specific action. One slaughters the sacrificial animal, the other watches the sacrificial fire, and so on. Spells that are at the same time communication with the Gods, and a petition, and a magical ritual action are called kuriskons. In addition to the servants of the pagan faith, there are also Tuno - powerful sorcerers, healers, and shamans.

The priestly class, in addition to all of the above, is divided into two more large and fundamental families. Some pray to Inmar and do this only during the day, the second priests pray to his antipode Lud and do this only at night. These two clans are not at all at odds, they are not considered white and black, good and bad, and so on. The whole world, according to the pagan Udmurts, rests on both pillars equally and cannot exist one without the other. But still, representatives of two priestly clans try not to intersect, and members of their clans never enter into cross-marriages.

Udmurt temple you can call a special wooden house, which is called - Kuala. This is a ritual log building with a gable roof. Usually such a ritual house is located in the priest’s yard or in the forest. Praises of the Gods, sacrifices and other events take place here on designated days. In addition to the sacred places of Kuala, there are other sanctuaries, for example, those where the things of a deceased person are traditionally thrown away, where the ceremony of welcoming spring is held, where a goose is sacrificed, as well as sacred groves (lud). The groves consist of trees considered sacred, including varieties such as birch, spruce, pine, rowan, and alder. In Udmurt paganism, there are idols that depict Gods and spirits. This is how researchers find ancient idols that are made of wood and even silver.

It is also interesting how did you imagine the world ancient Udmurts. The earth, according to the beliefs of this people, rests on the horns of a sacred underground bull. If the bull stands motionless, then peace and good weather reign in the world; if the bull begins to move its horns and shakes its head, then earthquakes and various cataclysms occur in the world. The bull himself stands on a huge fish that swims in the underground sea.

The Udmurt faith says that there is no heaven and hell (which the Slavic pagan faith also tells us). There is a world of people (Yav, the middle world), a world where the spirits or souls of the dead live (Nav, the lower world), and also a world where the ruling Gods live (Rule, the upper world).

The paganism of the Udmurts is much more complete than the paganism of other peoples, and was destroyed to a lesser extent. Attempts to introduce new teachings into pagan tribes began in the 13th century, but the first recorded fact of baptism occurred only in 1557. Then Ivan the Terrible granted privileges to 17 baptized Udmurt families. After that, everything seemed to calm down, and paganism returned to its place again. A new attempt to eradicate paganism was made in the 18th century. This time it became more successful, but such a late infusion of new teachings made it possible to preserve the paganism of the Udmurts almost in its original form. And to this day, in some villages, pagan rituals are carried out, priests live, sanctuaries are erected, sacred groves are honored and sacrifices are made to the Vorshud family spirits. Such an amazing phenomenon can to some extent shed light on forgotten traditions and our own paganism.

The main deity of the pagan Udmurts is Inmar. It is the source of all good things; he is the creator of the sky, lives constantly in the sun, is so kind that the Udmurts are not afraid of him. Only thanksgiving sacrifices are offered to him.

Etymology of the name In the 19th century, the most common etymology was inmar “sky-something”. Some scholars believed that the name Inmar comes from Inmurt, “heavenly man.” But according to M. G. Atamanov, the word Inmar arose as a result of the merger of Udm. in(m) “sky” and ar “man” (from Bulgarian). Currently, the most acceptable hypothesis is that the word Inmar retains the ancient suffix -*r, and the word itself comes from the Finno-Permian name of the heavenly deity (*ilmar, cf. Ilmarinen).

Thus, the most suitable name of the first ancestor of the Udmurts is Ilmar. In the Russian Orthodox tradition, he was replaced by Elijah the Prophet, riding a chariot across the sky during the rain and the roar from this chariot generates thunder. A distant descendant of Ilmar - in the genetic and etymological sense - is Ilya Muromets - Il-Mar.

According to the legends of the suburban Udmurts, on the site of Khlynov there was BadOym kuala- a large sanctuary burned by the Novgorodians.

But besides the Udmurts (Votyaks), another numerous people lived on Votskaya land - the Mari (the Russians called them Cheremis), they inhabited the lands west of the Vyatka River. According to many researchers, the Mari came to these lands after the appearance of the Suvar and Bulgal tribes in the lower reaches of the Kama and Vyatka. Some of the Mari were pushed north, and this northern group of Mari (Cheremis) pushed the Votyaks east - to the eastern bank of the Vyatka. Some Mari settled in the southern part of the Vyatka region. And in our time, many Mari live in the south of the Kirov region. There are also sacred places for the Mari people.

In the modern Kirov region (especially in its southern part), the Mari continue to live today and a significant part of them still adhere to the traditional Mari religion. A clear evidence of this is the lifestyle of adherents of the ethno-confessional group “Marla Vera”, who observe both traditional customs and rituals and Orthodox cults, visit temples, chapels and Mari sacred groves. They often conduct traditional prayers with sacrifices in front of an Orthodox icon specially brought for this occasion. Admirers of the Mari traditional religion, respecting the rights and freedoms of representatives of other faiths, expect the same respectful attitude towards themselves and their religious actions. They believe that the worship of the One God - the Universe in our time is very timely and quite attractive for the modern generation of people interested in spreading the environmental movement and preserving pristine nature.

Every summer, Mari prayers are held on Mount Chumbylat in the Kirov region. This holiday consists of their prayer at the Akpatyr-chochoy monument. The festival also celebrates the memory of the Mari hero, Poltysh-On and his wife Shoshma. As you know, the Mari people have been worshiping the Mari hero, healer and saint Akpatyr, which is located near the village of Kugu Ketek, Malmyzh district, Kirov region, since ancient times. He began to be revered more openly and widely in the 1990s. In this regard, a bronze monument (by the way, the first and so far “last” in the lap of nature) was erected in a sacred place outside the village of Kugu Ketek in 1998.

In addition, we must take into account that the ancestors of the Komi lived in the far north of the Vyatka region, and the ancestors of the Komi-Permyaks (Permians) lived in the northeast. From the name of this people came the name Perm the Great (this region included not only the modern Perm region and the south of the modern Komi Republic, but also the entire Vyatka region and Udmurtia).

Above I already mentioned this region under the name “Biarmia”.

1143- a Mari town is mentioned in the chronicles under the name Koksharov. This future city Kotelnich.

1174- "The Tale of the Land of Vyatka." Presumably in the first half of the 18th century, a new legend “The Tale of the Land of Vyatka” appears. It is reproduced in his work by N.M. Karamzin. The essence of the story in brief is this. In 1174, during the reign of Yaroslav Osmomysl (+1187), the son of Vladimir Volodaryevich, a squad of Novgorodians set off from Veliky Novgorod on ships down the Volga. On the banks of the Kama, these, in the words of L.N. Gumilyov, the “passionaries” founded a village in which they lived for seven years. Probably dissatisfied with the proximity to the Volga Bulgars, some of the settlers went north, to densely forested lands, where the Cheremis, Chud and Votyak tribes lived in a very wild state.

Around the 12th-13th centuries the population of the Kama region was in the process of disintegrating the clan system. Individual families began to stand out and settled together with families from another clan in open, unfortified villages. The clan community was gradually replaced by a territorial, neighboring community. But if the Bulgars had their own state - Bulgaria, the Russians had Kievan Rus. Even the western neighbors of the ancient Udmurts - the Mari and the Cheremis - began to have their own principalities (Kuguztvos) at that time, while the Votyaks (Udmurts) did not have their own state associations at that time. Perhaps in those days there was not even a single Udmurt people - at that time there were still strong differences between the northern and southern Udmurts.

In the memory of the people, legends have been preserved about the clashes that took place between ordinary farmers and the tribal elite - tribal elders and military leaders. However, the Udmurts did not have developed feudal relations.

The disintegration of clan relations among the Udmurt tribes was far from uniform. Thus, on Chepts and Kama the population lived in their ancestral nests - fortified settlements - until the 14th century, on Vyatka the settlements were abandoned in the 13th century, and on the Kama right bank, near the mouth of the river. Vyatka - back in the 12th century This unevenness is explained by the degree of economic and cultural influence on individual tribal groups of the Udmurts from the Volga-Kama Bulgaria and the principalities of North-Eastern Rus'.

The Bulgarian state, which, as is known, at the end of the 1st - beginning of the 2nd millennium AD. e. existed in the territory along the middle reaches of the Volga, for several centuries it maintained close ties with the surrounding tribes: Mordovian, Mari, etc. and extended its political and economic influence to them. The Udmurts were also part of the Bulgarian sphere of influence. They were tributaries of the Bulgars, supplied them with military militia, traded with them, for which they enjoyed freedom of movement in the Bulgar lands and the protection of the borders by the Bulgars from attacks by steppe nomads. On the territory of the Udmurt Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, monuments of the Bulgar time have been preserved in the form of fortifications, tombstones and burial grounds, in which Bulgar coins and other objects of Bulgar origin are found.

The Bulgars conducted a lively trade with their neighbors, including the Udmurts, exchanging imported oriental fabrics, jewelry and tools for leather, honey and furs. The latter was especially valued, as it was the main item of trade with other peoples. The names “Ary”, “Arsk land” were given to the Udmurts and their territory by the Kama Bulgars. The Udmurt tribes had close ties with the city of Bilyar, which in the 12th century became the capital of the Volga-Kama Bulgaria. The term “bilyar” (in Udmurt pronunciation biger) was extended by the Udmurts to the entire Turkic population of Volga-Kama Bulgaria, and later to the Kazan Tatars. The Udmurts still use the term “biger” to refer to the Tatars.

The Udmurts, who lived on the territory bordering the Bulgars, under the pressure of the latter, often abandoned their settlements and moved north into the depths of the forests. The Bulgars turned one of these settlements, known as “Devil’s Settlement,” into their fortified outpost.

The appearance of the Old Russian population in Vyatka is not reflected in all-Russian chronicles; later local sources (“The Tale of the Vyatka Country”, etc.) date it back to the end of the 12th century. According to some archaeologists, such dating corresponds to archaeological data.

According to the “Tale”, the Novgorod squad sailed along the Vyatka and discovered on its high right bank a settlement well fortified with a rampart and ditch, inhabited by “Chud Otyaks”. Local residents called it “Bolvansky town”. The Novgorodians decided to take this settlement, and made a vow to the holy princes Boris and Gleb (military patrons) that they would not drink or eat until they took the city. As a result, on July 24 (old style) 1181 the city was taken. Some of its defenders were killed, the rest, along with the residents, fled into the forests. On the site of the ancient settlement, the Novgorodians founded the new city of Nikulitsyn, and the first thing they did was build a church there in honor of St. Boris and Gleb. This church with the icon of these saints kept there has always been considered especially important for the entire Vyatka Land.

According to archaeological data of historian and archaeologist L. D. Makarov (Izhevsk), in the XII-XV centuries on Vyatka There were three regions inhabited by a mixed population: Molomskaya (Kovrovskoye and Shabalinskoye settlements), Nikulitskoye (Nikulchinskoye, Slobodskoye and Podchurshinskoye settlements) and Pizhemskaya volosts. The small towns were inhabited mainly by Russian and mixed race populations, and the Finno-Ugric population lived in the suburbs and villages.

In the 12th century Kukarka (modern city of Sovetsk) became princely residence the legendary Prince Chumbylat, national hero and “king” of the Mari, who united the Mari tribes under his rule. According to legend, Chumbylat was a great warrior, built cities, developed crafts and arts. He was received by the rulers of the East. Under him, the tradition of worship of the Mari faith developed; he is a legendary saint of the Mari religion. In the vicinity of Sovetsk there is Mount Chumbylata (Chumbylatov stone, mar, Chumbylat kuryk) - a limestone cliff of Vyatsky Uval on the right bank of the Nemda River, a revered pagan shrine of the Mari (Cheremis), the legendary grave of the Mari prince Chumbylat.

In 1181 Novgorodians conquered territory on Yuma, in this regard, the Mari went to the rivers: Pizhma, Vetluga (Ener), Shangu and Yakshanga. The Yuma prince Kodzha Eraltem builds the fortress city of Yakshan on the Ener (Vetluga) River and strengthens his principality.

1181- the year of the founding of the Russian city of Nikulitsin, it was the first Russian city in the Vyatka region.

1181- the city of Kotelnich was founded. It was founded by Novgorodians, on the site of the captured Mari town of Koksharov.

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Kirov(former names - Khlynov, Vyatka)

The first settlements on the territory of present-day Kirov were formed presumably 2.5 thousand years ago. In the 1st millennium AD e. Ancient Permians, the ancestors of the Udmurts and Komi, settled here. The main settlements were located along the banks of the large rivers Cheptsa, Moloma and Vyatka.

Base.
Vyatka Veche Republic
According to the “Tale of the Vyatka Country” (late 17th century), the city was founded after 1181 by Novgorodians. By this time they had already founded Nikulitsyn and Kotelnich, and decided to create a single center. The first mention of the city of Vyatka (or Vyatka land) in all-Russian chronicles dates back to 1374 in connection with the campaign of the Novgorod ushkuiniki against the capital of Volga Bulgaria, Bulgar.

“In the summer of 6882 (1374) the Ushkun bandits, 90 Ushkunites, went down the Vyatka River, plundered Vyatka and took the Bulgarians on their way.”

In 1378, an alliance agreement was concluded between the Vyatchans and the Suzdal-Nizhny Novgorod principality, and from 1391 the city became the main residence of the Suzdal princes Vasily Kirdyapa and Semyon Dmitrievich, expelled from the Suzdal-Nizhny Novgorod principality after its conquest by Moscow. After the death of the princes in 1401, power passed to the Galician prince Yuri Dmitrievich. Detachments of Vyatchan people took part in campaigns against the Golden Horde in 1392, 1409 and in the war of Moscow Prince Vasily I with Novgorod in 1417-1418.

In 1412, the famous battle took place between the Vyatchans and Ustyuzhans. The battle took place at night, in a ravine, later named Razderikhinsky. According to one version, the Ustyun residents came to the aid of the Vyatchans to defend themselves from the Tatars; according to another, they, in alliance with the Moscow princes, wanted to capture the city. In memory of those events, the Vyatka folk festival “Whiplash” appeared, and a chapel in the name of the Archangel Michael was built on the bank of the ravine.

In 1432-1453, Vyatka took part in the war between the Galician and Moscow princes. After the defeat of the Galician group, it came under the control of local boyars and merchants. In 1455-1457, a wooden Kremlin was built in the city, named Khlynov. After two military campaigns of the Moscow army against Khlynov in 1457 and 1459, power in the city formally passed to Moscow, but with the preservation of local self-government. The Khlynovites took part in the military campaigns of the Moscow principality against Novgorod and Kazan.

In the early 80s, power in the city passed to the separatists led by Ioann Anikeev. Under Khan Ibrahim, the Kazan governor sat in Khlynov. Khlynov's troops carried out campaigns against lands under the rule of the Moscow principality. After two unsuccessful attempts, the Moscow army managed to capture the city in 1489. The local nobility was resettled in the Moscow region, and a Moscow governor was installed in the city. The Vyatka land was finally included in the Moscow state.

Device
Due to its remoteness from the main Russian lands, the Vyatka land did not need an alliance with strong principalities and recognized only the patronage of the princes, remaining a self-governing territory. The people's council acted as the main governing body. The most influential group of the feudal class were the boyars, followed by the merchants and the clergy. The rest of the Vyatchans represented a free communal population and consisted of peasants and artisans.

Moscow State
In 1551-1552, Khlynov’s troops took part in Ivan the Terrible’s campaign against the Kazan Tatars. In 1554 and 1556 they took part in campaigns against the Astrakhan Khanate. As a result of these campaigns, Khlynov was returned to his ancestral lands, previously captured by the Golden Horde and then by the Tatar khanates.

On June 2, 1580, Khlynov received a charter from Ivan the Terrible to build a monastery in the city, named in honor of the founding abbot Trifonov. In 1607, the first fair in the Vyatka land was organized in the city, called Semyonovskaya, dedicated to September 1. In 1658, the Vyatka and Great Perm diocese was founded with its center in the city of Khlynov. From 1680 to 1686, the governor in the city was the royal steward Kuzma Osipovich Grushetsky, cousin of Queen Agafya Grushetskaya. In 1689, the Assumption Cathedral of the Trifonov Monastery was built - one of the first stone buildings in Khlynov. In 1694, the Khlynovo merchant Spiridon Lyanguzov led the first trade caravan from Moscow to China after the conclusion of a Russian-Chinese treaty that allowed mutual trade.

In 1710, during the first division of Russia into provinces, Khlynov, together with the Vyatka land, was included in the Siberian province, and the southern Vyatka lands were included in the Kazan province. In 1719, the provinces were divided into provinces, the Vyatka land was transformed into an independent province. In 1722-1723, the first capitation census was carried out; there were 2,276 souls in Khlynov [comm. 1].

Russian empire
In 1727, the Khlynovskaya province moved from the Siberian province to the Kazan province. On December 18, 1780, by decree of Empress Catherine II, the Khlynovsky governorate was formed, which was soon transformed into the Vyatka province. The city of Khlynov was renamed the city of Vyatka. On May 28 (June 10), 1781, the coat of arms of the city of Vyatka was established, compiled by the St. Petersburg herald master Volkov. In 1785, work began on establishing a city council. The first convening of the city government body, the Vyatka City Duma, took place on August 26, 1793.

In 1727, the city's first primary school was opened at the bishop's house in Khlynov, in 1733 it was transformed into a Slavic-Latin school, and in 1758, the first secondary educational institution was created on its basis - the Vyatka Theological Seminary. On September 22, 1786, the first civilian educational institution was opened, on the basis of which the Vyatka Men's Gymnasium was created on November 21, 1811. In 1818, a theological school was opened in the city, on September 8, 1820, a school for children of clerical workers was created, and on October 11, 1859, a women's school of the 1st category, the Vyatka Women's Gymnasium, was opened. On November 8, 1868, the Zemstvo School of Agricultural and Technical Knowledge was founded (since October 1, 1880 - a real school). In 1874, the production of fire engines was established in the workshops of the Vyatka Technical School, and an iron foundry and a mechanical plant were created in the workshops (now the Kirov Machine Tool Plant). On July 1, 1914, the Vyatka Teachers' Institute was founded.

Since 1744, the postal service began to develop, communications were established with Moscow, Kazan and Siberia. In 1783, the construction of a post office building was completed in Vyatka to manage postal affairs. On June 8, 1806, construction began on a floating bridge across the Vyatka River, which was supposed to connect the city with the Dymkova settlement. On March 11, 1861, the first photograph was discovered in Vyatka by teacher Likhov. On May 2, the first steamship “Vyatka” appeared on the river. Regular shipping traffic on the river began in 1874. On August 19, 1895, work began on the construction of the Perm-Kotlas railway line (the first in Vyatka), on November 2, 1898, the first train passed along it, and on October 15, 1906, direct railway communication with St. Petersburg was opened. On September 14, 1902, the city telephone network was opened. The private telephone network was created back in 1894. In 1906, the first car appeared in the city, owned by Kuzma Laptev. On July 20, 1911, the first plane under the control of A. Vasiliev appeared over the city.

On April 15, 1797, the oldest industrial enterprise in the city was founded - the provincial (now regional) printing house. In 1799, the first private pharmacy was opened. On December 15, 1809, the state-owned city pharmacy began operating. On November 1 (13), 1862, the first public bank of Fyodor Veretennikov opened in the city. A tannery was founded in Vyatka in 1865, and a sheepskin and fur factory was founded in 1873. Both enterprises were merged in 1959 into a leather and fur plant.

In 1802, the first hospital with 10 beds was founded at the home for the disabled. In June 1811, the first provincial hospital with 60 beds was opened in the city. The first city hospital was opened in 1823. On July 7, 1857, the first orphanage was opened in Vyatka. On July 2, 1870, a charity home for the children of poor citizens was opened.

On May 2, 1835, one of the first in Russia, the Vyatka Provincial Statistical Committee, was founded in the city, studying materials about the history and culture of the region. On August 30 of the same year, the Alexander Garden was opened in Vyatka, the main architectural elements of which were designed by the artist and architect Alexander Vitberg. On May 18, 1837, the opening of an exhibition of natural and artificial works of the Vyatka province took place in the city, in the organization of which A. I. Herzen took part. On December 6, with his direct participation, the first public library was opened (now the Kirov Regional Library named after A. I. Herzen). On January 1, 1838, the first newspaper of the region, “Vyatskie Provincial Gazette,” began publishing in Vyatka. On August 30, 1839, the solemn ceremony of laying the foundation of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral, designed by the architect A. L. Vitberg, took place. On January 22, 1866, a local history museum was opened, one of the oldest in Russia. On October 23, 1877, the Vyatka auditorium was opened (now the Kirov regional Theatre of Drama named after S. M. Kirov). On April 9, 1894, the first issue of the Vyatskaya Gazeta was published (Russia’s first “Zemstvo people’s newspaper, created at an affordable price and content for the broad masses”). In 1896, one of the first in Russia, the Vyatka Zemstvo Agricultural Experimental Station (now the Rudnitsky Research Institute of Agriculture of the North-East), was created. On May 14, 1897, the first film show took place in Vyatka. In 1908, the first cinemas “Illusion”, “Progress”, “Modern” were opened, in 1910 - “Odeon”, in 1913 - “Colosseum”. On April 1, 1932, the first sound film “Golden Mountains” was shown, the first color film “The Nightingale” was shown on September 26, 1936. On April 30, 1900, a free library-reading room named after A. S. Pushkin was opened in the city (now the central city library of A. S. Pushkin). A mosque was built in 1909. In 1912, a botanical garden was founded. In 1916, a city library was founded, later named after Saltykov-Shchedrin.

In 1905, N.A. Charushin organized the Vyatka Democratic Union, which in 1906 merged with the People's Socialist Party. Autumn was marked by a strike at the Vyatka Theological Seminary. On November 18, the authorities decided to close all educational institutions to prevent the expansion of protest actions. On October 22, the Black Hundred pogrom took place, as a result of which 6 people were killed and 20 were seriously injured. From November 30 to December 2, a provincial peasant congress was held in Vyatka. From December 8 to 18, there was a strike of railway workers. On December 18, an armed clash between a peasant union squad and soldiers took place in the city. From October 1907 to February 1908, the famous Ural expropriator Alexander Lbov lived illegally in Vyatka. During a trip to Nolinsk, after an intense shootout, he was arrested and returned to Vyatka in March. For about a month and a half, Lbov was kept in the Vyatka correctional prison department. On April 22, his trial took place and on the night of May 2, 1908, he was executed in the courtyard of the Vyatka provincial prison. In January 1909, moving in a “staged order” to the place of exile - the city of Solvychegodsk, I.V. Stalin fell ill with typhus and spent some time in a hospital in Vyatka.

The general picture of the emergence and spread (ethnogenesis) of the Slavs and, in particular, Russians, according to generally accepted opinion, is as follows. The Slavs, as tribes with specific cultural and linguistic properties, arose on the Danube, in the south of what is now Poland or on the Dnieper.

1.Traditional look

The general picture of the emergence and spread (ethnogenesis) of the Slavs and, in particular, Russians, according to generally accepted opinion, is as follows. The Slavs, as tribes with specific cultural and linguistic properties, arose on the Danube, in the south of what is now Poland or on the Dnieper. They appeared in the historical arena at the beginning of the 1st millennium AD. During the Great Migration, they played a minor role, but still took part in the destruction of the Western Roman Empire. According to some sources, the Vandals were Slavs or half-Slavs and half-Germans. In the cataclysms of the turbulent 4th and 5th centuries, many peoples disappeared. The Slavs occupied the territories inhabited by some of them, assimilating the surviving inhabitants. By the 7th-8th centuries they occupied the lands of the current Slavic states of central Europe, the north (forest and forest-steppe part) of Ukraine, part of Belarus, the Pskov region and Novgorod land, part of the upper Dnieper region. In the area between the Volga and Oka rivers they lived along with the Baltic Golyad tribe and the Finno-Ugrians.

Finno-Ugric peoples speak Finno-Ugric languages, one of two branches of the Uralic family of languages. The Finno-Ugric branch is divided into language groups: Baltic-Finnish (Finnish, Votic, Estonian, etc.) and the adjacent Sami; Volga-Finnish (Mordovian and Mari); Perm (Komi-Zyryan, Komi-Permyak, Udmurt); Ugric (Hungarian, Mansi, Khanty).

Baltic peoples (Balts) – speakers of Baltic languages. The Baltic languages ​​are a group of languages ​​of the Indo-European family, these include Latvian, Lithuanian and Latgalian, as well as the extinct Prussian, Yatvingian, etc. They are closest to the Slavic group of languages; Some researchers combine the Baltic, Slavic and Paleo-Balkan (languages ​​of the pre-Greek population of the Balkan Peninsula, the Aegean Islands and Asia) languages ​​into one branch of the European-European family. Lithuanian is considered the most archaic of all Indo-European languages ​​- i.e. closest to the Proto-Indo-European base language.

The rest of the forest zone of Eastern Europe and Western Siberia was inhabited by Finno-Ugric peoples. Around the middle of the 1st millennium AD. the Slavs were divided into eastern, southern and western. In the 8th century, the first East Slavic states arose - on the middle Dnieper and in the north-west in the Volkhov region. In the following centuries, the Eastern Slavs, who received the common nickname Rus, conquered the surrounding peoples, filling the space of the future Russia. The majority of the Finno-Ugric population, and then the Siberian (including Ugric) population, was assimilated, leaving only isolated islands in the territories of the current autonomous republics. So the Russians reached the Pacific Ocean by the middle of the 17th century.

River pool Vyatki was inhabited by Finno-Ugric tribes - the ancestors of the Mari, Udmurts and Komi. Russians began to appear on these lands in the 12th century in separate groups, which is attested by archaeology. The first mention of Vyatka in Russian chronicles dates back to 1374: “Ushkuiniki... plundered Vyatka.”

Ushkuiniki (from the Old Russian ushkuy - a river boat with oars), Novgorod detachments (up to several thousand people), formed by the boyars to seize lands in the north and trade and robbery expeditions on the Volga and Kama for the purpose of enrichment and to fight political and trade opponents. Appeared in the 20s. 14th century The social composition of Ukraine was very complex. Ukraine's campaigns undermined the economic resources of the Golden Horde, but at the same time caused damage to cities and interfered with the development of trade along the Volga and Kama. In 1360, U., led by boyar Anfal Nikitin, captured the city of Zhukotin on the Kama. In 1366 they attacked Nizhny Novgorod and killed many Tatar and Armenian merchants. In 1371 they made predatory raids on Kostroma, Yaroslavl and others, in 1375 they defeated the Kostroma army, plundered Kostroma, Nizhny Novgorod and reached Astrakhan, where they were defeated by the Tatars. At the beginning of the 15th century. In connection with the strengthening of the Moscow Grand Duchy, U.'s campaigns ceased. (TSB).

A more detailed story about the settlement of the Vyatka land is given by the so-called. “The Tale of the Vyatka Country,” compiled on the basis of perhaps once existing Vyatka chronicles or legends and preserved in copies of the 18th century. According to the “Tale,” the Novgorod autocrats came to Vyatka in 1174 (as it is written, during the reign of Yaroslav Vladimirovich) and discovered the “Bolvansky” town near the mouth of the Cheptsa, inhabited by Chud and Otyaks (in other lists - Ostyaks). They captured this city in a difficult battle, calling upon the help of the holy passion-bearers Boris and Gleb and Grand Duke Alexander Nevsky. The Novgorodians named the conquered city Nikulitsyn “for the sake of the Nikulichanka River.” At this place, near the village of Nikulitsyno, there really is a large settlement with several cultural layers. The upper one dates back to the 14th century AD, the lower one – to the 5th century BC. In addition, another detachment of Novgorodians captured the Cheremis city of Koshkarov, which “is now called Kotelnich.”

After consulting, the Novgorodians decided to build a new city between these two cities, which they called Khlynov, “for the sake of the Khlynovitsa River,” near the mouth of which it was founded. Subsequently, Nikulitsyn apparently fell into decay, and Khlynov and Kotelnich (after some time the city of Orlov joined them) grew and developed, were settled by Novgorodians, participated in Moscow civil strife, fought with the Tatars and were quite happy with their position until they fell under the power of the Moscow Grand Duke. On this, in fact, the history of free Vyatka ends, since it has already entered the history of Moscow Rus'.

In 1781, Catherine II renamed Khlynov to Vyatka (since 1934 - Kirov).

It is also remarkable that the Chuds and “Otyaks” are not mentioned in other sources in connection with Vyatka. However, it is known from legends that the Chud went underground. And the Otyaks are, apparently, Votyaks, Udmurts. The villages inhabited by them remained on the eastern and southeastern outskirts of the Kirov region. In the southern regions there are quite a lot of Mari (Cheremis) and Tatars. The rest of the indigenous population was apparently successfully assimilated or quietly destroyed by the Novgorodians in a short historical period.

It must be said that information from “The Tale of the Vyatka Country” was used by Karamzin and Kostomarov, and was presented by the latter as facts from the “Vyatka chronicles.” With the light hand of venerable historians, they still wander through historical works. Kostomarov once remarked: “There is nothing in Russian history darker than the fate of Vyatka...”. 135 years later, the American source historian Daniel Waugh answered him caustically, but fairly: “Kostomarov himself did not make the history of Vyatka less “dark”, since basically he only repeated information from the famous “Tale of the Country of Vyatka” in its “ Tolstoy's "version" (71).

At the beginning of the 20th century, “The Tale of the Vyatka Country” was subjected to careful analysis and critical analysis by Vyatka local historians, among whom A.S. Vereshchagina (45). It was established that it was written no earlier than the end of the 17th century, but most likely in the 18th century. The Tale contains many historical absurdities. In the 12th century, for example, there were no large-scale campaigns of the Ushkuiniki, otherwise meticulous chroniclers would have recorded it. These are the realities of the 14th century, caused by the weakening of the Golden Horde, whose military-political area included Northern Rus'. The Russian state itself was not yet strong at that time. On the site of Kotelnich and in this area in general there were no Cheremis settlements - neither according to written nor archaeological sources. And what kind of name is Koshkarov? Maybe Koksharov? There was such a city, indeed in the Cheremis area, but on the Volga, 250 versts south of Kotelnich. Named after the B. Kokshaga River. There was also Tsarevokokshaisk (now Yoshkar-Ola) on M. Kokshag. There is also the Kokshenga River, but it is already 350 versts to the north-west of Kotelnich. It seems that the author of the Tale “heard a ringing”, and even that was conveyed inaccurately.

There is such an episode in the Tale: the Novgorodians wanted to establish the city of Khlynov upstream, where the Trifonov Monastery is now. They harvested the forest, but the Vyatka River, which overflowed its banks, carried the forest a mile below. The city was set up there. Critics have noticed that this is a walking legend: approximately the same stories are told about different cities. And so on.

But, having subjected “The Tale of the Country of Vyatka” to derogatory criticism, the researchers left this source in scientific use: after all, if you discard the “Tale”, then almost nothing will remain at all! I had to draw the following conclusion: the factual information is probably more or less reliable, since it remains in the historical memory of the Vyatchans. The author of “The Tale” simply mixed up the year. He wrote the year 6682 (1174), and the first mention in Russian chronicles of Vyatka dates back to 6882 (1374) (the campaign of the Ushkuiniks). This means there is a typo in the second number, let’s change the number and everything will be fine! It turned out like Pasternak: “What kind of millennium is this, dear ones?”! Just think, you were mistaken by a couple of centuries!

Chief historiographer of Vyatka prof. Emmaussky accepted and disseminated the concept of the authenticity of the “Tale” with a change in dating (by 200 years) of the campaign of the Novgorodians. There is one problem left. In the “List of Russian cities near and far”, compiled at the end of the 14th century, after Nizhny Novgorod and Kurmysh on Sura, there is the city of Vyatka. The city of Vyatka is mentioned both in chronicles and in contractual documents of that time. And in “The Tale of the Country of Vyatka” nothing is said about the city of Vyatka, but only about the Chudsko-Otyatsk Bolvansky (Nikulitsyn), the Cheremis Koshkarov (Kotelnich) and the Novgorod Khlynov. Emmaussky brilliantly resolved this contradiction, as if forgetting about the mythical Bolvansky and Koshkarov (here we believe the Tale, but here we don’t?) and adding a fourth element to the triad of names of the main city (Khlynov - Vyatka - Kirov). It turned out Vyatka - Khlynov - Vyatka - Kirov (81, 82 and other op.).

Emmaussky wrote that the city on the Vyatka River was alone. At first it was called Vyatka. Its foundation can be considered the year 1374 (from the formula: 1374=1174+200). In the middle of the 15th century, a fortress called Khlynov was built on the territory of the city of Vyatka, and then this name replaced the original name of the city. At the same time, the cities of Kotelnich and Orlov were founded on the Vyatka River downstream. The first mentions of these three cities in Russian chronicles date back to 1457 - 1459. Subsequently, the cities of Sloboda (Slobodskoy) and Shestakov upstream were founded. And already in the 16th century, the fortified cities of Tsarevosanchursk, Yaransk, Urzhum and Malmyzh were erected on the Mari lands.

This historical concept has become official, according to it the age of the city of Kirov is calculated, it is set out in textbooks and is taken as the basis for subsequent historical research. Once again I will briefly formulate its essence: the Vyatka land was inhabited by Finno-Ugric tribes, the ancestors of the Mari, Udmurts and Komi. Separate groups of Russians penetrated Vyatka starting from the 12th century. The Novgorodians came to Vyatka at the end of the 14th century, defeated the indigenous Finno-Ugrians - the Chuds, the "Otyaks" and the Cheremis - and founded the city of Vyatka (later Khlynov). Then intensive Russian colonization of the region began, the foundation of which was laid by the Novgorod ushkuiniki. In the first 115 years of its existence, Vyatka enjoyed a certain “independence”, but after the campaign organized by Ivan III, it became part of the Moscow centralized state. The peoples who inhabited it underwent peaceful assimilation and retained their national identity only at the edges of the region.

This generally accepted historiography is not accidental. It fits into the general context of the “conquistador” theory of the development of the East European plain: detachments of ushkuiniks or heroic princes establish cities, and then crowds of peasants come and develop lands previously occupied by dark natives (in this case, Finno-Ugrians). The same concept is accepted by the historiography of national autonomies: they are the historical masters, and the Russians are alien colonizers. Essentially, this is an extrapolation of the development of Siberia to an earlier time and nearby territory.

2.Sources of traditional historiography

In this part of our work, we will limit ourselves to considering the historiography of the Vyatka land. And let's take a closer look at the sources on which it is based. As the modern historian Sergei Tsvetkov aptly said, “other scientific theories have the appearance of a successful businessman with a dark past, which is worth looking into before doing any business with such a person.”

Source No. 1 is “The Tale of the Vyatka Country,” which we have already written about. But this “story” also has a first part (45a), which modern publishers usually discard. It talks about the origin of the Russian people, which is personified by the Novgorodians, almost from the creation of the world. For current ideas, it is completely fantastic, but it fits well into the common, albeit then provincial, mythology of the early 18th century, when history as a science was just emerging in Russia.

Probably all countries and peoples have similar works. Their goal is to ennoble rulers, elites or ethnic groups, deducing their origin from more or less worthy ancestors and as ancient as possible: from Adam, Perun or Alexander the Great. In this case, we are dealing with a regional version of a similar “story”, which traces the origin of free Vyatka to autocratic Novgorod. Its author, according to Uo, the deacon of the Epiphany Cathedral Semyon Popov, who later held the elective position of mayor of Khlynov, pursued in a sense political and oppositional goals. Judging by the contents of the “Tale,” it can be assumed that many mythologems found their way into the Khlynovo clergy along with monks from Novgorod monasteries during the difficult times of Ivan the Terrible for the Novgorod brethren. Apparently, in the monastery legends about who the Novgorodians descended from were retold, and on the other hand, there were stories about daring autocrats, drawn, perhaps, from chronicles, but which came to the author only orally through third hands. Only this can explain the anachronisms associated with the most famous princes. After all, Alexander Nevsky, whom the Novgorodians called for help in 1174, was born only around 1220, and at that time his father was not even alive. And the action itself supposedly takes place during the time of Yaroslav Vladimirovich. There were two famous princes with that name: the Wise and Osmomysl, but both lived long before Alexander (the first was a great-great-great-grandson, and the second a great-nephew), so it would be impossible to synchronize the various pieces of the Tale. The preface itself, according to Uo, is an abbreviation of the famous text “The Beginning of the Great Slovenian.”

But the author knew the Nikulchinskoye settlement well. Even in the 19th century, before systematic excavations began, the remains of the fortifications of the ancient city were clearly visible. So, there is an ancient ruined city, there is existing city Khlynov, foreigners lived on Vyatka land (everyone knows this), in ancient times Novgorodians scurried here (they say it’s written in the chronicles), and then - forward, pen!

Toponymic research is also no stranger to the author of the Tale, which speaks of his remarkable imagination. For example, the city of Nikulitsyn is named “for the sake of the Nikulichanka River”, and the city of Khlynov - “for the sake of the Khlynovitsa River” (although, of course, on the contrary - based on the semantics of the foundations and morphological structure of these toponyms). Where is Khlynovitsa from? When the Novgorodians swam to its mouth, birds flew over the river and shouted: “Hly! Wow! Wow!"...

Of course, “The Tale of the Vyatka Country” is a most valuable literary monument, the work of a talented PR man of the Russian Renaissance, from which one can study the provincial culture of Peter the Great’s time. As for the realities of the 12th or 14th centuries, it must be admitted that its author had a very vague idea of ​​\u200b\u200bthat time and the events that took place then. If he was based on some legends, then they could relate either to another time, or to another place, or be a figment of fantasy. It is unacceptable to use “The Tale of the Vyatka Country” as a source of historical information, because this not only distorts reality, but, in the absence of other facts, creates a pseudo-reality, a myth that prevents the establishment of historical truth.

Source No. 2 – Russian chronicles, texts of treaties and other written documents of the era. There is no doubt about the reliability of the synchronous chronicles, with some exceptions. Unfortunately, there is not a single record about the Vyatka land before 1374. The records from the end of the 14th century are extremely laconic, like “the Ushkunians plundered Vyatka.”

Source No. 3 – archaeological excavations. The trouble with archeology is that, in the absence of written sources, it cannot say anything or almost nothing on its own about the ethnicity of representatives of archaeological cultures, and most importantly, about their language. She needs more information. If such data is inaccurate, the conclusions of archeology will be equally inaccurate.

As for the archaeological cultures of northeastern Europe, here their ethnic interpretation is considered simple: if the culture is local, then it means it is comparable to the Finno-Ugric or Samoyed ethnic groups.

Samoyed peoples, the general name of the peoples speaking Samoyed languages ​​- Nenets, Enets, Nganasans and Selkups. The Samoyed languages ​​are the second branch (along with Finno-Ugric) of the Uralic family of languages.

This is accepted a priori, because “there have always been Finno-Ugrians here.”

So, in the archaeological study of the region it is necessary to remove the patina of mythology, to rethink the ethnicity of archaeological cultures, relying only on reliable sources. But first, remove all unsubstantiated identifications of archaeological cultures with ethnic groups.

It must be admitted that archaeologically the territory of the Kirov region has been studied very poorly. Even for the most famous objects, either only the upper layers or a small part of the area have been excavated. Recently, excavations have been carried out by various expeditions (Glazov, Izhevsk, Perm, etc.) and have not been properly systematized, much less comprehended by historians.

And in the end, what do we have for the history of the 14th century and more ancient, for the ethnic history of the region, after we have discarded unreliable sources and myths? Almost nothing. Blank sheet. It is on this blank sheet that the history of Vyatka and the entire northeast of the European part of Russia has to be written. And there are possibilities for this, as we will see later.

3.Research directions

3.1.Written sources

It is necessary to re-analyze written sources relating not only to Vyatka, but also to neighboring regions. Of course, the sources are very scarce, but a view free from myths can glean something from them.

3.1.1. Russian chronicles and other documents.

They have been studied far and wide and contain seemingly negligible information about the territories in question. All the more valuable is every word. We must take into account that the absence of information about any subject is also information.

For example, the first mention of the Kama River in Russian chronicles dates back, apparently, to 1324, about Vyatka (locality) - of course, only to 1374, although already in the most ancient chronicles there is information about more remote northern lands and peoples up to the Trans-Urals (Ugra and Samoyed). But the Kama is the largest river in Europe, the Vyatka River is also not a stream, and rivers at that time were the main transport routes. Maybe there were no connections? No, there have been connections since ancient times.

In the layers of the 7th century (!) on the territory of Finland, according to the Finnish researcher Aarni Erya-Esko, a number of decorations were discovered, such as neck torcs and brooches, originating (along with the Volga-Oka) from the Volga-Kama interfluve, where, according to in his words, “in this era there was an ancient and vibrant culture” (85. P. 170). “The travels of Kama fur suppliers and traders,” states Erya-Esko, “reached Finland.”

In the Baltic, “the spread of bracelets and torcs of the Permian type from the 8th century” was noted. Treasure of the 9th century on o. Rügen (Baltic Sea) “contained... a fragment of the so-called Permian bracelet. “Glazov type” (J. Herrmann. 76. P. 80). Note that Glazov is located in the Vyatka basin.

There is no need to talk about the closer Slavic North-West (the future Novgorod land), where there are tons of similar finds.

Reverse processes were also observed. For example, in excavations dating back to the Fatyanovo culture, whose distribution area included Vyatka (2nd millennium BC), numerous amber products from the shores of the Baltic were found.

It is curious that in two places in Europe the cult of the iron arrow is attested: in the city of Volina on the coast of the Baltic Sea (mixed Celtic, Germanic and West Slavic population, “Wends”) and in Vyatka, and in our country this cult has even penetrated into Orthodox rituals (processions with a cult arrow). This fact was noted by S. Tsvetkov (78, p. 370).

There is no doubt that ancient ties existed between the Northeast and Northwest. But from the beginning of chronicle writing until 1324 and until 1374, respectively, Kama and Vyatka did not seem to exist for chroniclers. This absence is also a kind of fact that can give a lot for understanding the processes taking place in the North.

Another example. One of the chronicles says: “The words of Gyuryat Rogovich Novgorod: he sent his youth to Pechora, the people who give tribute to Novgorod; and my youth came to them, and from there I went to Ugra; Ugra people have a mute language and neighbors with Samoyede in the midnight countries” (Laurentian Chronicle. L. 85a middle. 27. pp. 234-235).

Pechora, Yugra and Samoyad are ethnonyms here. The first two peoples have brief characteristics in the text, which makes them remarkable for the chronicler:

Pechora - people giving tribute to Novgorod;

Ugra are people whose language is mute (incomprehensible).

But the opposite characteristics logically follow from this opposition:

Pechora - their language is understandable;

Ugra - they don’t give tribute.

Doesn’t this mean that the Pechora language is not Finno-Ugric, as is commonly believed a priori, but is close to the chronicler - Slavic or Baltic (about the Balts - Golyad or Lithuania - it was never written “language is dumb”, at that time the differences between the Baltic and Slavic languages ​​were smaller, and constant contacts apparently made it possible to understand each other)?

It is almost obvious (and there are no other opinions) that the chronicle Pechora lived on the banks of the Pechora River. A quick look at the hydronyms (river names) of the Pechora basin shows that in the middle and lower reaches of the Pechora there is a large layer of hydronyms of Indo-European origin, including the name of the main river. It is curious that both in the Pechora basin and in the Vyatka basin there are numerous hydronyms with the formant -ma, up to the coincidence of names (Pizhma river, left Pechora Ave., and Pizhma river, Vyatka Ave.). For the etymology of hydronyms na – ma, see below. And in general, the names of all the major rivers of the Northeast and adjacent areas of Siberia are Indo-European: Northern Dvina, Mezen, Pechora, Ob. Moreover, many Finno-Ugric peoples adopted precisely these names (for example, Dvina among the Karelians Viena - with the “d” dropped), Mezen among the Komi “Mozyn”, Pechora - “Petshera”, Ob - “Ob”, while among the Nenets - “Sale` "), and they are not explained from the Finno-Ugric languages. This suggests that some Indo-European tribes lived in the Far North, whose language was understandable to Novgorod travelers, and the chronicle Pechora is one of them.

Thus, the lapidary information of the chronicle, confirmed by other sources, becomes telling.

Equally important as material for logical interpretations are early information on geography, such as the “List of Russian cities far and near” (XIV century) and the “Book of the Big Drawing” (description of the 17th century maps of the 16th century), but about that will be stated below.

3.1.2. Arabic, Persian and Khazar sources.

Strange as it may seem at first glance, they can provide more information about the north-east of Europe in the 10th – 14th centuries than the Russians.

The silence of the Russian chronicles of this time about the Kama and Vyatka lands can be explained by the ethnic (passionary) strengthening of the Cheremis, who actually severed the ties of the Northeast with the centers of Russian statehood, where the chronicle was written. The Mari (Cheremis), according to hydronymic data, have long lived in the Vyatka-Vetluga interfluve (probably this nation arose at the end of the 1st millennium AD, although their ethnogenesis is very vague). In the 10th or 11th century, information about the Cheremis appeared in Russian chronicles, which may indicate their activation. The land route from the Nizhny Novgorod region to Vyatka was impassable even in the 17th century due to the “theft” of the Cheremis in the Vyatka-Vetluzh interfluve. Even at the turn of the millennium, they apparently occupied the meadow (northern) bank of the Volga, and the Mordovians - the mountainous (southern) bank, and the belligerence of both peoples is widely reflected in Russian written sources.

The northwestern route through the Northern Dvina basin (South River - Moloma River, Vyatka Ave.) was blocked either by the Cheremis or by another, unknown Finno-Ugric people, who left behind an area of ​​hydronyms with the formant -south. Perhaps it was the chronicle Chud of Zavolochsk.

The appearance of Vyatka in Russian chronicles can be explained by the unblocking of this path through the Yugo-Molomsky crossing, which most likely did not happen thanks to the Novgorod ushkuiniki; they were simply the first to take advantage of it, or, more likely, they were the first to appear in the chronicles. The main factor was the strengthening of Veliky Ustyug and the foundation of a number of towns higher up the Yug River (Orlov, Osinovets, Sosnovets, etc.).

But if the population of Vyatka and Kama did not have connections with Novgorod and Vladimir-Suzdal Russia, this does not mean that they had no connections with the civilized world in general.

The main transport routes in the forest zone were rivers. It’s worth looking at a map of the East European Plain, and the largest river “ transport node"- the confluence of the Kama and Volga. The Volga flows to it from the west, the Vyatka from the north, the Kama, which absorbs the Ural rivers, from the northeast, and the deep-flowing Itil (Lower Volga) flows to the south. At the mouth of Itil there was a powerful state - the trade and financial center of central Eurasia - Jewish Khazaria, from which a direct route led along the Caspian Sea to ancient Persia. At the confluence of the Kama and Volga, nature itself was destined for a shopping center to arise - and it did. It was Kama (or Volga) Bulgaria.

With whom did the population of Vyatka trade? Through two portages with Novgorod or directly with Bulgaria, having access through Bulgaria to rich Arab markets? The answer is clear.

Novgorod merchants did not go to Vyatka and Kama, although they reached Siberia through the Far North. According to the concepts of that time, apparently, this was not their zone of influence; they avoided it.

The idea of ​​close ties between Vyatka and Bulgaria is not new. It is used as the basis for toponymic research by the famous Vyatka local historian D.M. Zakharov (18, 19), who, in my opinion, even somewhat exaggerates the influence of Bulgaria and the Bulgarian language in Vyatka. But written sources related to Bulgaria, in terms of reflecting information about Vyatka, Upper and Middle Kama, seem to have not been studied.

Bulgaria was well known in Persia, Khorezm and the Arab world, its main exports were slaves and furs. But Bulgaria itself, of course, did not “produce” these goods. Furs from the west could not reach Bulgaria in large quantities: the Suzdal and Novgorodians themselves scoured the north for them, almost to the Yenisei. The furs had to come from the north or northeast, i.e. along Vyatka and Kama. Back in the 1st millennium BC. the confluence of the Kama and Volga, Vyatka, Kama and the more northern Vychegda were part of the same area of ​​culture - the Ananino culture. That is, the connections there were long and strong - going back centuries. This is confirmed by archeology not only from Ananino, but also from later times.

In Bulgaria they could not help but know about the Vyatka River, which flows into the Kama one and a half hundred miles from its capital, the city of Bulgar, and about the Vyatka region, adjacent to Bulgaria from the north. Directly near the mouth of the Vyatka there were Bulgarian cities (for example, the so-called Devil's Settlement, 62). Unfortunately, there were no significant written sources of Bulgaria itself, or they did not survive. But from the beginning of the 10th century, Bulgaria was visited by Arab geographers and travelers, who left interesting geographical and ethnographic notes concerning, among other things, the Slavs and Rus. Probably, something related to the Northeast can also be found in Khazar sources, since at one time Bulgaria was a vassal of the Khazar Khaganate.

It's all a matter of interpretation. Of course, if we assume in advance that Vyatka, the Upper and Middle Kama region, for example, were inhabited by wild Finno-Ugric tribes, then everything that contradicts this “obvious” statement will be considered unreliable or related to another region. Here is an example of one of the early testimonies of the Arab geographer al-Istakhri (930–933) in the “Book of the Ways of States” (“Kitab Masalik al-Mamalik”), based on the unsurvived work of al-Balkhi (920–921) (translation A.P. Novoseltseva. 40. P. 411):

“There are three groups of Rus. One group of them is closest to the Bulgar, and their king sits in a city called Cuiaba, and this city is larger than the Bulgar. And the most distant of them is a group called al-Slaviya, and their third group is called al-Arsaniya, and their king sits in Ars. And people come to Cuiaba to trade. As for Arsa, it is not known that anyone has reached it, since its inhabitants kill every foreigner who comes to their land. Only they themselves go down on the water and trade, but they do not tell anyone anything about their affairs and their goods and do not allow anyone to accompany them and enter their country. And black sables and tin (lead?) are exported from Arsa... These Rus trade with the Khazars, Rum and Bulgar the Great.”

Ibn Hawqal has a similar message. Both of these testimonies, as well as other similar ones, go back, according to researchers, to the road guide (guide) of Ibn Khordadbeh, popular in the Arab-Persian world, which was written, most likely, from the words of merchants in 846, in any case, no later than 80 -s of the 9th century.

The generally accepted point of view is that Cuiaba is Kyiv, and Slavia is the Novgorod land (Slovenian). The location of Ars and Arsania is considered debatable. B. Rybakov, who considers Novgorod of the 10th century to be a provincial town, based on his Kiev-centric theory, placed all three groups of Rus on the Middle Dnieper, in the Kyiv land (52. P. 110 - 116), identifying Slavia with Pereyaslavl, and Arsania with Rodney. This assumption of the famous historian obviously contradicts the Arabic text.

Firstly, the entire Kiev land from the distant Bulgar is seen as one point; the observer will not highlight nearby objects located one and a half thousand miles away.

Secondly, cities located nearby have approximately the same range of export goods. The text specifically highlights the goods exported from Ars: black sable and tin. Where do black sables come from near Kyiv?! Of course, residents of the Dnieper region could be intermediaries, but to transport sables from the North or from Siberia through the Dnieper? Tin is less dubious; it could have been brought from the Ore Mountains (Krušne Gori). But why only through Arsania, and not Cuiaba and Slavia? Yes, it is far away, and there is a closer path.

We can say that there are no industrial tin deposits on either Vyatka or Kama. But let's remember that back in the 15th century BC. in the Middle Kama region there was a center of bronze metallurgy, for the smelting of which tin could be used (Turbino culture). And in the 1st millennium AD. Prikam residents supplied Europe with bronze jewelry (see above). Where did they get tin to smelt bronze? They weren’t brought from Britain and the Ore Mountains? As researchers of ancient material culture A.V. write. Schmidt and A.A. Jessen, tin deposits in the Urals have been known since ancient times. Perhaps, in their opinion, tin ore was also available in Northern Russia, in particular in the regions of Lakes Ladoga and Onega and in the Pechora basin. But there were no tin deposits in Central and Southern Russia (80, p. 205 ff).

But we digress from Rybakov’s statement that Ars is located in the Dnieper region. Finally, the third and very significant objection. Al-Istakhri directly writes about the merchants of Ars: “They descend on the water.” From the Dnieper region you can only go down to the Black Sea. You can, of course, go up the tributaries, cross the swamps into the Oka tributaries and go down to the Bulgar along the Oka and Volga. But why did they have to choose such a difficult path, since Rybakov himself described in detail the direct land road from Kyiv to Bulgar, equipped with special “sources”, a kind of postal stations, every 70 km.

It is significant that the “Aryan princes” are also mentioned in Russian, albeit later, sources. In 1489, Ivan III, having sent a huge army, brought the Vyatka cities to submission, while the “Vyatchans big people I brought them all together with their wives and children, and even the Arsky princes.” “And he planted some Vyatchan merchant people in Dmitrov, and granted the Arsk princes - let them go to their land” (Sofia II Chronicle. L. 321 vol. 60. P. 326; also: Synodal Chronicle). Moreover, the chronicler distinguishes between the Vyatchans and the “Aryans”: “he brought all the Vyatchans to a kiss, and brought the Aryans to the company” (Novgorod IV Chronicle. L. 376. 39. P. 459; also: Sophia I and II Chronicles). Where this “own land” of the Ar princes is is not entirely clear from the chronicle, but, in any case, not the Dnieper. Their religious affiliation is unclear from the text (Arians, Muslims?), but, in any case, they are not Orthodox. It is not clear whether Aryans are a religious or ethnic characteristic.

The Arsk forests and the Arsk road are mentioned in Russian sources both in connection with Ivan the Terrible’s campaign against Kazan, and in many other cases. In the Kirov region and in Tataria there are several toponyms with the stem “ars” (more on this below).

Here it must be said that V.V. Barthold conveyed the Arabic passage about the three groups of Russians in a slightly different form, considering it to belong to Ibn Fadlan (5. p. 836). He has not Ars, but Art, not tin, but lead (tin and lead were written the same in Arabic in the 10th century). In all likelihood, Academician Rybakov used this or another old translation (Bartold's work was written in 1918). And before the war, it was customary to transcribe the Arabic letter ﺙ (si or sa) with the Russian t, not s. In fact, the letter ﺙ sounds like the unvoiced English interdental th sound, for example, in the word month. Moreover, when rendering the name Ars, Persian authors used the same letter ﺙ, which in Persian sounds like the Russian s. Therefore, from the point of view of linguistics, Rybakov’s identification of Ars with Rodney seems completely incredible. True, it is curious why the Arabic author used a letter that sounds like th to designate this group of Rus. There was a corresponding sound in the Turkic language. How does this sound correlate in ancient Turkic with Tatar in the 16th century? and how the toponyms that interested us sounded then remains a subject for further research.

The presence of the “Rus” north of the Bulgar should not be surprising. Firstly, perhaps this is not an ethnic or not entirely ethnic characteristic. The Arabs distinguish between the Rus and the Slavs (sakaliba), however, there are reports that the Rus speak Slavic, in other cases this is clear from the fact that the conversation takes place through a Slavic translator. Secondly, in the famous Arab-Persian anonymous geographical treatise of the second half of the 10th century. “Hudud al-Alam” is mentioned Kukh-e rus “Russian Mountain” to the north of the Bulgar-e Andarun “internal Bulgars” (77. Persian text - l. 38a; translation by V.F. Minorsky - p. 160). From the context it is clear that we are talking about the Kama Bulgars (according to A.P. Novoseltsev: 40. P. 373). Most likely, we are talking about the mountains of the Northern Urals, which were considered “Russian” by the Arabs and Persians.

Arab authors of the 10th century also report on the trade of the Bulgar with the city, the name of which is read as v...ntit and v...t, where the missing vowels are replaced by dots (36). Ibn Ruste writes in detail about the country Wa...t (Wa...it) in the essay “al-A'lah an-nafisa” (according to A.P. Novoseltsev. 40. P. 387), reporting that it is “at the very beginning Slavic borders" (from the Bulgar?). The Persian geographer Gardizi reports about the city of Vantit in Novoseltsev’s translation somewhat differently: it is located “at the extreme limits of the Slavic” (ibid., p. 390). These testimonies, as well as information about the Rus and Ars, apparently go back to the road builder Ibn Khordadbeh (9th century).

The Khazar king Joseph (10th century), in his famous correspondence with Jews, lists the peoples living along the Itil River. Among them is “v-n-n-tit”. (23. pp. 91 – 102).

It is generally accepted that these names refer to the land of the Vyatichi (see, for example, Petrukhin V.Ya. and Raevsky D.S. 44. P. 169). At the same time, Petrukhin and Raevsky did not pay attention to the fact that the Khazars and Bulgars called the Kama and the Lower Volga or the Belaya, the Lower Kama and the Lower Volga Itil, and the Upper Volga was considered its tributary. King Joseph directly writes: “I live by a river named Itil... The beginning of the river faces the east for 4 months of travel.” It is clear that this is not the Volga, but the Belaya, a tributary of the Kama, which Joseph considered the source of Itil. And the Vyatichi can hardly be called living along the Belaya and Kama. The Vyatchans, on the contrary, live right next to the ancient Itil, that is, the Kama.

Vyatichi, a group of East Slavic tribes that lived in the upper reaches of the Oka and along its tributaries.

Here we need to make a linguistic digression. The Russian I in a strong position after a consonant appeared in place of the Common Slavic e nasal (ę). In Baltic and Western European languages ​​it naturally corresponds to en, for example:

meat – mensa (Prussian)

knit – vęzeł (Polish – “monogram”)

five – πεντε (Greek)

whore (Old Russian - “I’m mistaken”) – blendžiuos (lit. - “I’m getting dark”).

Consequently, the root vyat- was preceded by the root vęt- and corresponds to the Baltic root vent- (compare: Vyatichi - Veneti). Also, the toponym Vyatka corresponds to numerous Baltic place names with the stem vent-, for example, Ventspils on the Venta River.

Consequently, v...ntit and va...t are two forms of one name: Baltic (or other European) and East Slavic.

The toponym v...ntit - va...t, of course, in principle, can refer to the land of the Vyatichi, but with greater justification, based on geographical landmarks, it can also refer to Vyatka, especially if we take into account that they lived on the Vyatka land, as we will see later, and the Baltic tribes, who could convey the name of a city or country in the form in...ntit.

In any case, the Arab, Persian and Khazar sources must be read again, carefully and with an open mind. It is very likely that many secrets will be revealed.

3.1.3.Vyatka written sources

Unfortunately, no ancient written documents have been found. Apparently, chronicles were not written on Vyatka either. Christianity appeared in Vyatka only at the beginning of the 15th century, but the first priests were most likely not very literate. But they most likely destroyed pre-Christian pagan monuments. At the same time, there is irrefutable evidence from Ibn Fadlan that back in 922 the Rus and the Visu (usually identified with the entire Finno-Ugric people) had a written language (22. p. 138 et seq.). Discovering written monuments of that time is the task of future archaeologists. Perhaps it will be solved with the discovery of ancient cities mentioned by the Arabs - Ars and Ventita (Vyatka?).

3.2.Toponymy data

Toponymy is the science of geographical names. Toponyms have been preserved for many centuries and even millennia, especially in conditions of sedentism and ethnic stability. Toponyms are those elements of ancient languages ​​that reach us regardless of written sources. Of course, they can be distorted, but these distortions are natural, and the nature of the distortions in itself can provide certain information about the ethnic processes taking place. I consider toponymy as a tool of historiography before archeology, not in terms of importance (everything is important), but in terms of primacy for ethnic history: only data on language allows us to identify archaeological cultures with ethnic groups (language is not the only, but a very significant element of the ethnos). In addition, these toponyms can suggest the geography of a possible archaeological search, indicate, if not a place, then at least an area for excavations: “Seek and you will find!”

For the Vyatka land, the objects of toponymic research are mainly the names of rivers (hydronyms) and settlements (oikonyms). To a much lesser extent - names of areas, swamps, tracts, lakes. Adjacent here (although not toponyms, but important for us) are the names of ethnic groups - ethnonyms. In addition, we will be interested in first and last names (anthroponyms); some - as derivatives of ethnic or generic names, others (or the same ones) - as having become the basis of toponyms (Philipp - the village of Filippovo - the Filippovka river).

Determining the age of toponyms is an important but very difficult task. Each time you have to solve it individually, in relation to a specific toponym. For example, a toponym can preserve the archaic sound of words, timed by historical linguistics. It should be taken into account that in the environment of the parent language, a toponym often changes along with it and ceases to change according to the laws of this language when the linguistic environment changes or when it is torn away from the appellative (the common noun that formed the basis of the toponym), acquiring an independent meaning.

It is generally accepted that the most ancient are the names of large rivers. The names of the middle rivers are younger, although they can also be quite ancient (thousands of years). The names of small rivers are usually quite young, especially in sparsely populated areas. Maps were often labeled with names given by early cartographers, who exhausted their imaginations in the process. This is how the rivers Berezovka Poludennaya, Berezovka Srednyaya, Berezovka Nochnaya (in the sense of northern), 1st Peschanaya, 2nd Peschanaya, etc. appeared. Small rivers are characterized by names secondary to the names of settlements or the names of industrialists who had hunting or fishing grounds on them. The names of settlements can be very young, but there are also very ancient ones - up to a thousand years old. There are suggestions that the age of the names of some settlements may be much older, but to put forward such hypotheses, very strong justification is needed.

Toponymic research can be divided into two areas: the attribution of toponyms to ancestral languages ​​and the analysis of “speaking” toponyms, the semantics (meaning) of which can provide certain information for historical interpretations.

3.2.1.Linguistic affiliation of toponyms

Determining the linguistic affiliation of toponyms will help to identify the ethnicity of historical cultures and, on this basis, to recreate the ethnic history of the Vyatka region. And it is inseparable from the ethnic history of all of Eastern Europe. It was precisely the territorial limitations of previous studies (the Dnieper region, the Volga-Oka interfluve, and the North-West of Russia have been well surveyed, but there are significant blind spots) that could lead historians to false conclusions. The “observer effect” occurs when nearby objects appear more significant; the discovered ancient roots of any ethnic group seem to be basic, since other territories have not been studied. Such a survey of the Vyatka region should be tied not only to neighboring regions, but also to the already surveyed territories mentioned above.

Ideally, it is necessary to compile a toponymic dictionary, and for the purposes of this section, a complete etymologization of toponyms is not necessary, since the semantics of appellatives is secondary. It is only necessary to determine the linguistic affiliation of the toponym and, preferably, its age using appellatives and topoformants (for example, suffixes). Based on the dictionary, it is necessary to compile maps of the distribution of toponyms of a certain linguistic affiliation; separately – medium rivers, small rivers and oikonyms. Then you need to overlay these maps on maps of the distribution of historical cultures in three-dimensional space (x,y,t). Of course, graphically these maps will be two-dimensional, and the third dimension (the easiest way is time) will need to be kept in mind.

At a minimum, it is possible to draw maps of the distribution of topoformants whose belonging to specific languages ​​or their groups is beyond doubt, as was done in the classic work of V.I. Toporov and O.N. Trubachev (64) and in the book by N.D. Rusinova (51). In this regard, the linguistic correlation of the common hydroformants –ma, -da, -yug, -ik and –im(s), which will be discussed below, is very important.

In the Kirov region, such work was not carried out at a serious level; researchers encountered insurmountable difficulties in the etymologization of toponyms, which are explained by the use of only the Finno-Ugric version of the origin of hydronyms, while the means of other languages ​​were not involved. In some other works (E.D. Golovin, E.N. Moshkina), devoted to Russian and Turkic toponyms, more local problems were posed. An exception is the article by L.N. Makarova (30), which will be discussed later.

My (so far only superficial) research shows that no more than 5% of hydronyms are of Finno-Ugric origin, and among the pre-Russian substrate - about 10% (approximate figures). To etymologize toponyms, it is necessary to involve at least the languages ​​of three families.

Indo-European family

Russian language.

The most interesting for our purposes is the discovery of an Old Russian substrate or even a Proto-Slavic one (if there are any). At the same time, it is necessary to carefully check the possibility of the origin of toponyms from close languages, as well as their reinterpretation from other languages.

For example, the name of the village of Istobensk (modern Orichevsky district, Kirov region) can come from both the Old Russian istba and from Litsh. istaba "room". But the Russian suffix -ensk testifies, rather, in favor of the Russian version. This is also confirmed by the fact that Ltsh itself. istaba is considered to be borrowed from Russian (M. Vasmer), and, finally, the location of two villages called Istobnoe on the ancient route from Kyiv to Bulgar, where the Baltic element is not characteristic (Rybakov B.A. 52. P. 110). From a linguistic point of view, it is impossible to exclude the origin of this name from the time of the Baltoslavic linguistic community, although this looks fantastic. (However, in the area of ​​this village there is the Tivanenkovskoye settlement of the 7th – 3rd centuries BC, and with a little imagination you can consider it as the forerunner of Istobensk).

Another example: r. Nersma (Suna Ave., Voi Ave., left Vyatka Ave.) either from Russian spawn, or from Latvian. nersti "to spawn". From a linguistic point of view (in Russian it would be *Nerstma, *Nerestma, and even more likely - *Nerestyanka) I give preference to the Baltic or Baltoslavic version.

A r. Rybas (left Ave. Voi) obviously has nothing to do with Russian fish, since the ending is non-Russian. More likely, from ltsh. ribati "to rattle" with the ending im. pad. m.r., since a small river quite gives the impression of a stream, which in the Baltic languages ​​is also masculine. Semantics are common in both Russian and Baltic toponymy (cf. Gremyachiy Klyuch, etc.).

The etymologization of toponyms from dialectal appellatives of the Russian language is not very productive, for example, the names of numerous rivers Kholunitsa from kholun “river sediment” or river. Slots (left, Sandalovka Ave., Vyatki Ave.) from the slot - “dirt”. It is advisable to find out the origin of the appellatives themselves, since they can lead to other languages ​​or to Proto-Slavic times, which is much more informative for historiography.

Baltic languages.

Surprisingly, almost no one paid attention to the presence of toponyms of Baltic origin, although, as we will see, they are numerous and ubiquitous. M. Vasmer limited the territory of distribution of Baltic hydronyms to the Moscow region from the east. Recently, it has become generally accepted to bring Balticisms to the Nizhny Novgorod Volga region.

Attempts to push the Baltic border further are very timid. R.A. Ageev, etymologizing the lake. Lipsho (Toropets district) from lit. lipti “stick, stick”, gave the example of the Lithuanian lake. Lipšys and R. Lipsha in Kazan province. (now the Republic of Mari El - S.U.) and provided it with the note “somewhat unexpected correspondence.” (3. P. 192). But back at the end of the 19th century. famous ethnographer I.N. Smirnov noted that before the Mari and before the Udmurts, some “unknown tribes” lived in the territories of their settlement (55, 56). He gives a whole list of pre-Mari names of rivers: Vetluga, Kokshaga, etc. - and comes to the conclusion that they “cannot be explained ... from living Finnish dialects and belong, judging by the similarity or even identity, to the people who occupied a huge space from the meridian of Moscow to meridian of Perm".

But the hydronym Vetluga is etymologized both from the Baltic (N.D. Rusinov) and from the Russian language (obviously). Why didn’t anyone notice that Kokshaga did too!? Koks in Latvian means “tree”, s – š – alternation typical for Baltic languages; -uga and -aga are suffixes typical of Baltic and Slavic place names. Compare the Kokui (Kukui) stream at ltsh. koku – “forest” in the territory of the city of Moscow, where Balticisms are common (58). However, the root kok belongs not only to the Baltic languages, but also to the dialects of the Russian language (Koksha zh. Vologda, “a tree hidden by water and washed away at the bottom of the river or thrown into the reap”; Kokuy m. dial., including Vyats . – among numerous meanings – “small forest island”). However, the formant -sh- speaks, rather, of the Baltic origin of the hydronym Kokshaga (see, in particular: Otkupshchikov Yu.V. 42).

Ekaterinburg toponymist A.K. also spoke about Baltic hydronyms in the Russian North. Matveev, but it seems that he did not affect the Vyatka region.

We can now state with confidence that the “mysterious people” that I.N. spoke about. Smirnov, - Balts or Baltoslavs. On the territory of Mari El, the Baltic substrate is ubiquitous (except for the rivers mentioned above - Lipsha, Persha, Nolya, two Nolkas, Ilet, Ashit, etc.). On the territory of the Kirov region in the Vyatka basin, hydronyms of Baltic origin are often found, and there are hydronyms that do not raise any doubts about their Baltic origin. In some cases, it is possible to trace the dialectal features of the Vyatka and “Mari” Balticisms, although additional research by linguists specializing in the Baltic languages ​​is necessary for a complete picture.

The name of the Medyana River (Vyatka Ave.) can be attributed to the presumably Baltic name - cf. Prussian median from balt. *med “forest”; another hypothesis is from the Proto-Indo-European *medhio - “middle”, from which Russian originates. boundary, between, lat. median, etc. It is difficult to clarify the origin, because the Baltic *med itself possibly goes back to the Proto-Indo-European *medhio with the original meaning of “dividing forest belt”. (Here, apparently, the Medyan river in the Sura basin, the Medyn river in the Oka basin, the Mezen river and many others should be included). Also, with a question mark, we include here r. Kezva (left. Ivantsovka Ave., left. Vyatki Ave.) – with lit. kežti “to swell, swell”; R. Kirs (Vyatka Ave.) - written in the 19th century. Kirsa at ltsh. ķiris "seagull"; and many more etc.

As an example of Balticism with dialectal features, V.N. Toporov and O.N. Trubachev cite the name of the Zalazna River in the Upper Dnieper region. They trace this and other rivers with similar names (Zalazinka, Zhalizha, Zhalozh) to an appellative meaning “iron” (64, p. 240). Moreover, they note the replacement of ž with z in the region where the chronicle Golyad lived, that is, they consider this a sign of the Golyad dialect.

Golyad, a Baltic tribe mentioned in Russian chronicles of the 11th and 12th centuries; lived in the basin of the Protva River, the right tributary of the Moscow River, between the Vyatichi and Krivichi. In the 12th century the majority of Georgia was assimilated by the Slavs. (TSB)

Note that the Zalazna River is also in the Vyatka basin (Belaya Ave., Vyatka Ave.). The most interesting thing is that in the Vyatka Zalazna area there is a large deposit of iron ore, which has been exploited for many centuries. But I would not so unequivocally attribute the name of this river to the Baltic. The fact is that the word for iron is Balto-Slavic with the supposed stem *ghel(e)g'h (Pokorny. 114), and in Slavic languages, as a result of satemization, both g sounds turned into whistling or hissing, and in most Baltic languages ​​- only the second (g"): lit. geležis, pearl. gelžis, Prussian gelso, but lat. dzelzs. Obviously, the sound of Zalazna is closer to the modern Ukrainian zalizna “iron” than even to the Latvian dzelza: it is precisely of the Slavic type. The second the vowel a has a dialectal character (cf. Bulgarian Zelazna and Polish želazna).So we must admit that if the hydronym Zalazna and similar ones belong to a dialect of the Baltic language like Golyadsky, then this dialect was very close to Slavic.

But the following can definitely be classified as Baltic:

R. Ilgan (Snigirevka Ave., left Bystritsa Ave., left Vyatka Ave.) – with lit. ilga “long, long” and hydronyms in Lithuania: lake. Ilgi, b. Ilga, b. Ilgyanka;

R. Bartemka (left. Vyatki Ave.) at ltsh. bart “scold” (cf. Russian grumble, grumble), the rivers Barta and Bartuva in Latvia and numerous examples of the formation of names of small rivers from similar appellatives in Slavic and Baltic languages ​​- in this case through *Bartьma > *Bartema with the Russian diminutive suffix -ka on modern linguistic grounds;

R. Ilet (ave. Bystritsa ave.) with ltsh. ila “very dark” and Russian. il from the Proto-Indo-European root *il “dirt, silt, blackness”, but with the Baltic derivational formant –et.

Within the borders of the modern Sun and Nolinsky districts, I discovered a territory of almost continuous Baltic hydronymy: pp. Suna, Rybas, Nolya, Pilya, Nersma, Loban, Mayurovka, Eranka, Elpan. Surprisingly, oikonyms of Baltic origin are also located on the same territory, for example, two villages of Erpuli (Sunsky and Nolinsky districts). Wed. ltsh. jēra "sheep" and pūli "crowd", i.e. jērpūļi can be interpreted as “flocks” by analogy with ltsh. karapūļi “hordes (of enemies)”, where kara – “military, army”.

From oikonyms of Baltic origin: village. Lyangasovo, village Lyangasy (near Kirov), village. Kokuy (numerous), village. Toskui (near the village of Suna), lyrics. Kukarka (now the city of Sovetsk), although some of them, perhaps through Russian dialect appellatives (kokuy and lyangas) of Baltic origin (about the word lengus (lyangas) see Otkupshchikov Yu.V. (43, p. 122).

Baltoslavic proto-language

Many language historians believe that both the Baltic and Slavic languages ​​separated from a common proto-language, or that the ancestors of the Baltic and Slavic languages ​​constituted the so-called. Baltoslavic continuum, within which there was no clear boundary between the dialects of the Slavs and the Balts. Although the concepts of a common proto-language and the Balto-Slavic continuum are not generally accepted, it can be considered with a high degree of certainty that the ancestors of the Balts and Slavs in the first half of the 1st millennium BC. spoke very similar languages, with greater or lesser dialectal differences. (For various aspects of the genesis of the Baltic and Slavic languages, see, for example, Khaburgaev G.A. 73 and Porcig V. 48).

Consequently, toponyms of ancient origin can be formed by our ancestors, who are difficult to attribute unambiguously to the Balts or Slavs, speaking a common or similar languages. They can be called proto-Baltoslavs or, in short, Baltoslavs.

Toponyms of Balto-Slavic origin include toponyms etymologized from both Russian and Baltic languages. Such toponyms should be considered “candidates” for ancient origin. But in each specific case it is necessary to understand the chronology of word-formation techniques. For example, there are suffixes that have lost their productivity; for many of them it is possible to determine (of course, approximately) the time of this loss. In this way, it is possible to establish the time boundaries for the formation of toponyms with these suffixes and determine whether the toponym was formed during the time of Baltoslavic unity or after the collapse of the linguistic community.

But even if a toponym is etymologized using the linguistic means of only one group (Slavic or Baltic), this is not proof of its “youth”. It is possible that the corresponding stem and/or suffix were inherent in the proto-language, but were preserved only in one of these language groups.

I indicate here only the direction for future research, which is certainly labor-intensive, but it is they that can give a picture of the ethnic history of both the Vyatka land and the entire forest zone of Eastern Europe, presumably inhabited by Baltoslavic tribes.

Hydronyms with the suffix –n- can be considered candidates for relative “antiquity”. As Yu. Otkupshchikov writes (“HARROW and FURROSA” // 43. p. 92), “this suffix, which lost or almost lost its productivity in most Indo-European languages ​​of the historical era, was very widespread in the ancient Indo-European period.” The suffixes -d- and -m-, also common in Vyatka toponymy, are apparently even older.

Of course, we must understand that the suffix, having “glued” to the root in ancient times, could have entered the toponym along with the root in modern times, as, for example, in the common hydronym Suna: cf. ltsh. suna "mossy, mossy".

Also, since these suffixes were inherent in most Indo-European languages, it is necessary to separate the very ancient “goats” of the pan-Indo-European era, if any, from the Baltoslavic place names (see below).

Indo-Iranian (Aryan) languages

Indo-Iranian languages, a special branch of the Indo-European family of languages, including Indian (Indo-Aryan), Iranian and Dardic languages. It is possible that the original core of this community formed in the southern Russian steppes (traces of contacts with the Finno-Ugrians, which most likely took place north of the Caspian Sea) and continued to develop during the period of settlement in Central Asia or adjacent territories. The presence of the Indo-Iranian linguistic and cultural community is confirmed by data from the comparative historical grammar and vocabulary of these languages, which includes a number of identical elements denoting the key concepts of Indo-Iranian culture, religion, social institutions, names, including the self-name *arya - “Aryans”, material culture and etc. Modern I. I. distributed in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Ceylon (Indo-Aryan), Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan (western part), Iraq (northern regions), Turkey (eastern part), USSR (Tajikistan, Caucasus). (TSB)

Hypothetically, the Indo-Iranian substrate (substrate - toponyms originating from languages ​​not preserved in a given territory) can be expected from the following eras:

a) ancient times (Neolithic and Early Bronze Age);

b) Scythian time;

c) Sarmatian time;

d) post-Sarmatian time.

Let's look at it in order.

A). Many researchers place the ancestral home of the Aryans in the Urals region, both to the east and to the west of it. But if cautious historians see it in the Southern Urals (for which there seems to be strong evidence), then the “Vedists” (researchers of the ancient Vedas) place it almost beyond the Arctic Circle. If their opinion is at least half correct, then the ancestral home of the Indo-Iranians (or at least one of these branches) may be precisely on Vyatka and Kama. However, based on toponyms of such ancient origin, it is hardly possible to distinguish the specific linguistic affiliation of the toponym, since the ancestors of the Iranians and Indo-Aryans then spoke similar languages. Since the later presence of Iranians (peoples speaking languages ​​of the Iranian group) in Vyatka is very likely, there is reason to speak specifically about the Iranian origin of toponyms or (if ancient origin is proven) about Indo-Iranian ones, highlighting Indo-Aryan ones only in undoubted cases. Of course, it is hypothetically impossible to exclude the preservation of relict groups of Indo-Iranians - descendants of the Neolithic population - at a later time.

B). In the 1st millennium BC. The territory of North-East Europe, including Vyatka, was inhabited by tribes of the Ananyin cultural community. It is generally accepted that these tribes are Finno-Ugric (74, 75). According to my assumptions, this cultural community was either not universal or multi-ethnic. Nevertheless, it occupied at least part of the territory of the Vyatka basin. In excavations of burial grounds and settlements of this culture, many objects of Scythian origin were discovered. Petrukhin and Raevsky suggest that these may be archaeological traces of “other Scythians,” who, according to Herodotus, separated from their relatives and moved far to the northeast, beyond the lands of the Tissagetians and Iirks (ancestors of the Mordovians and Meri?) (44, p. 112). Another question is that many researchers are not sure about the monoethnicity of the Scythians; there are assumptions, for example, that the Scythian “plowmen” were Slavic-speaking, while the core of the Scythian association was certainly Iranian-speaking (1). What language did the “other Scythians” speak? Only toponymy can answer this question.

IN). In the 3rd century. BC. Instead of the Scythians, the Iranian-speaking Sarmatians became the masters of the Steppe. Considering the vastness of the Sarmatian “empire,” one can expect their cultural influence on the forest zone of Eastern Europe. But it is unlikely that the Sarmatians directly settled in the forest, including on the banks of the Vyatka, during their heyday (3rd century BC - 3rd century AD); in the steppes they were much more at ease. The Sarmatians controlled the main trade routes of Eurasia, and the language of trade often suppressed local languages. And yet, it is not so much the appearance of Iranian-language place names of that time that can be considered unlikely, but the possibility of their chronologization, since they can “sink” in place names of the same linguistic origin of a later time.

G). The Sarmatian tribal union was first defeated by the Goths in the 3rd century, and then the Huns attacked both the Sarmatians and the Goths. The Sarmatians partially became part of the Hunnic union, partially retreated to the outskirts of the area: to the North Caucasus, to the Crimea, up the Volga and Don. Having broken up into separate tribal groups, they no longer represented power in the Great Steppe. They settled in the Middle Volga and at the mouth of the Kama, but the remnants of the Hunnic union - the Turkic-speaking Bulgars - came there. Some tribes of the descendants of the Sarmatians became part of the Bulgarian state. Their participation in the ethnogenesis of the Kama Bulgars is undoubtedly manifested in the language of the Bulgars and their linguistic heirs - the Chuvash (to a greater extent) and the Kazan Tatars (to a lesser extent). But some of the descendants of the Sarmatians retreated even further north, presumably to the Vyatka basin (Malmyzh district - according to F.I. Gordeev - 14, which is based on the research of I. Sinitsyn - 54; another point of view is from V.F. Geninga - 12) and, apparently, even reached Vychegda (cemeteries like Veslyansky I - 20a. P. 39 - 41).

It is interesting that, according to many historians (Vernadsky, Tsvetkov, etc.), the late Sarmatians often mixed with the Slavs. In some Ant tribes, the leadership was Sarmatian, and the main population was Slavic. In others, only the tribal name remained from the Sarmatians.

It is difficult to imagine a friend of the Sarmatian steppes on a boat, unless there is a horse on the boat. But roadless forest spaces can only be explored by water, and the main means of transportation here is a boat. And it is no coincidence that burials in boats were discovered in burial grounds like Veslyansky (Sarmatian), which in later times (as we know from Arabic sources) was characteristic of the ancient Rus. It is logical to assume that in the North, as well as in the Black Sea region, a symbiosis of Sarmatians and Slavs formed, and the Sarmatian burial grounds were in fact Sarmato-Russian. (Boat burials are also typical for Scandinavian Vikings.)

One way or another, the descendants of the Sarmatians in the post-Sarmatian period (IV – 10th centuries AD) could not avoid Vyatka, and it is logical to look for Iranian traces of this time in Vyatka toponymy.

The first to discover toponyms of Iranian origin on the Vyatka land was D.M. Zakharov (18, 19), however, he explains them through the Bulgar language, through the penetration of Sarmatian roots into the Bulgar language. As we see, the descendants of the Sarmatians could name the Vyatka rivers and settlements and personally, so to speak, participate in this fascinating process.

I repeat once again that Iranian-speaking tribes could come to Vyatka in different historical eras, so the second-order task is not only to identify Iranian toponyms, but also to determine their age.

Celtic languages

Celts (Greek Κελτοι), tribes close in language and material culture, who originally lived in the 1st half of the 1st millennium BC. e. in the basins of the Rhine, Seine and Loire and the upper reaches of the Danube and later settled in the territory of modern France, Belgium, Switzerland, southern Germany, Austria, northern Italy, northern and western Spain, British Isles(K. Britain were called Britons), the Czech Republic, partly Hungary and Bulgaria. The Romans called them Gauls (lat. Galli), hence the name of the main territory of their settlement - Gaul. K., penetrated into the 3rd century. BC e. to Asia Minor, they were called Galatians. (TSB)

The Celts on Vyatka are, of course, absolutely incredible. However, there are several facts that together may allow us to consider this assumption at least as a working hypothesis.

West of Vyatka there is the ancient city of Galich (n. Kostroma region). The etymology of the toponym Galich is considered not entirely clear. One of the assumptions - this name was transferred from Western Rus', from another city of Galich - is not entirely convincing. The generally accepted etymology of western Galich is from the Celtic tribe Galatians, who left a number of oikonyms: Galicia (Western Ukraine), Galatia (Asia Minor), Galicia (Spain), Galata (Istanbul region), two cities of Galati (Romania), etc. Salt was mined in the area of ​​western Galich, so there was another assumption about the origin of the name - from the Celtic appellative meaning “salt”, cf. Wall. halen, other corn. halion But it does not work for linguistic reasons: in all European sources Galich and Galicia begin with G, and in Western European languages ​​h never turns into g. And at the same time, it can be noted that many European oikonyms associated with salt mining are of Celtic origin, for example, the city of Halle on the river. Hall (Sale). In this case, both are from the appellative “salt,” but the city is from the Celtic, and the river is from the Germanic or Balto-Slavic. The initial Gal- in the place names Galich and Galle have different etymologies (from gal- and hal-), but come from the same language! It is curious that both appellatives - meaning “salt” and “gaul” - if our assumptions are correct, converge in the name of another ancient city located near eastern Galich - the city of Soligalich.

Thus, it can be assumed that the ancient Gauls, being the strongest tribe in the barbarian part of Europe, controlled strategic salt deposits, which is why their cities received Celtic names. Moreover, the Russian suffix -ich in the name Galich speaks of belonging to the Gauls or of the pre-past time of Gallic (Celtic) control (from *galich - belonging to the descendants of the Gauls).

It is believed that traces of the Celts reached to the northeast as far as Novgorod land and Ladoga. Isn't it further? Didn't their raking hand extend all the way to our Galich? At least as control over strategic salt reserves?

What does Vyatka have to do with it? The Vyatka land and the ancient city of Vyatka (pre-Khlynov time) were considered the patrimony of the Galician prince (see treaty letters of Vasily II and Yuri Galitsky dated March 11, 1428: 83. p. 20). Although, of course, the patrimonial dependence of Vyatka was only on paper, rather, as a claim of the Galician princes. We know that Vyatka’s connections with the lands of the Russian state were interrupted before 1374 and restored only through Ustyug, along the South and Moloma, and Vyatka was completely autocratic until 1489. This may mean that Galich’s claims to the Vyatka land speak of some more ancient connections.

Herodotus was the first to report the Celts (Galatians) to the civilized world, conveying their name in two forms: κελτοι and γαλαται. We know that the self-names of many Celtic peoples contain the root gal-: Gauls in France, Gaels in Scotland, Galatians in Eastern Europe. In western Karelia there is a place called Kalattoma, which can be interpreted as “the land of the Galatians.” Finns do not pronounce the sound g at the beginning of a word, replacing it with k; -to- - suffix of belonging; -ma from maa – Finn. "Earth". In the Lahtenpokhsky district of Karelia - lake. Kalattomanlampi. North of Helsinki there are numerous oikonyms with the stem kelt-: Keltakangas, Keltaniemi, Keltijänen. Are the topographical bases kelt, kalat and the ethnonym kelt a reflection of the ethnonym galat, which got into the toponyms and to Herodotus through Finnish media? In any case, it is unlikely that Herodotus dreamed up the ethnonym κελτοι. It is also a fact that there are numerous oikonyms with the stem gal- in almost all of Europe and with the stem kelt-, kalat- in the northernmost regions, in the habitats of the Finnish tribes.

In this regard, we note two rivers: South Keltma, Kama Ave. and North Keltma, lev. Vychegda Ave., which originate in the same area (north of the Perm region) and flow in opposite directions. It seems to me that the interpretation of the hydroformant -ma from the common Finnish maa “land, area” is incorrect. But in this case, we can assume that the primary name is the name of the area from which two rivers flow. And again, we see that this area was of strategic importance, as it connected (or separated) two large river systems - the Vychegda (Northern Dvina) and the Kama (Volga).

This supposed “Celtic land” is located east of Vyatka, i.e. Vyatka is between Galich (the city of the Gauls or descendants of the Gauls) and the “land of the Celts” - the same Gauls.

On the Upper Kama, in close proximity to Vyatka, there is the village of Loino (Verkhnekamsk district, Kirov region). But loin is a very common topoformant in the Celtic lands of Britain. In Gaelic, loinn means place. pad. from lann “that which is fenced, a fenced place.” True, the oikonym Loino can also be explained from Russian: from the verb to pour. But the use of an appellative with such semantics is more typical for the names of water bodies, rather than settlements.

Some Celtic traces can be seen in the Vyatka dialect, and vice versa.

For example, the slots in many dialects are “slush, wet”. The word is common Slavic and has common Indo-European roots. In Germanic languages ​​it has a similar meaning, for example, nor. sletta "rain and snow". But it is in dialects close to Vyatka and in Celtic languages ​​that this word has a slightly different semantics:

slotina - “a small but viscous swamp”;

sloit - “to dirty, dirty, splash and pour around”;

Wed Gael. and irl. slod - “puddle, mud, flounder in water, dirty, dirty, dirty.”

The root is also reflected in hydronymy: near Kirov there is a river. Slots, lion. Sandalovka Ave. Vyatki Ave. See also us. Slotino points in the Nizhny Novgorod region. and Slotten in northern Norway.

There are not many examples like the ones given above in my materials, but there are others. In any case, I would not dare to reject the Celtic hypothesis simply because of its exoticism.

Germanic languages

Germanic languages ​​are a group of related languages ​​spoken primarily in the western part of the European continent. One of the branches of the Indo-European language family. Modern G. i. - English, German, Dutch (Dutch), Flemish, Frisian - belong to the Western group. Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, Icelandic and Faroese languages ​​form the northern, or Scandinavian, group of languages. (TSB)

The etymologization of the name of the river immediately suggests itself. Sandalovka (Vyatki Ave., Kirov district) from Germanic languages ​​- from Proto-Germanic *sanda- “sand, sandy” (English sand). Bases indicating the nature of the river bottom (sand, silt, clay, stone) are typical in the hydronymy of all peoples. Wed. also r. Sanda (left Linda Ave., Nizhny Novgorod region), lake. Sandal (Karelia), village. Sandalovo (Cherepovets district, Vologda region).

But these toponyms can also be etymologized from the Iranian sant “stone,” which apparently has a common origin with the Germanic sanda. The words sandal (santal) and sandal are also of Indo-Iranian origin from stems meaning “light, shiny” and, presumably, “soil”, which in their semantics can be the basis of a hydronym. Of course, it is difficult to attribute the name of a lake in Karelia to Iranianism, but there is also a river. Sandata (Egorlyk Ave., Stavropol Territory), which, on the other hand, is difficult to classify as a Germanism based on its geographical location. The difficulty is that the root is common Indo-European.

There are several other toponyms on Vyatka that can be assumed to have a Germanic origin, but all this is questionable.

By the way, the correlation of the names of the Vishera rivers in the North-East of Europe (Volkhov Ave., Vychegda Ave., Kama Ave.) with the ancient name of the German river Weser (Old High German Wisura, Latin Visurgis) was also pointed out by M. Vasmer (107). But here too there is a dual picture: the name of the river on the territory of Germany may be of Baltic or Slavic origin, especially since the same basis is found in the undeniably ancient Baltoslavic territory of the Upper Dnieper, in Lithuania and ancient Prussia (64. P. 180). (Let us note for completeness that A.K. Matveev in one of his works (31) connected the hydronyms of Visher with the hydronyms of Biser (left. Vyatka Ave.) and Bisert (Ave. Ufa Ave., Ave. Belaya Ave., left. Ave. Kama), seeing in them an Ugric origin, which, of course, is wrong, since the original Finno-Ugric words do not begin with voiced explosive consonants.)

But there is one hydronym that, if not 100%, then 99% can be considered Germanic, probably from the Viking Age. This is "R. Gostilador (left Letki Ave.). This river itself flows through the territory of the republic. Komi, but refers to bass. Vyatka. This name gives good reasons to conduct a toponymic search, including in the Germanic direction. For the etymology of the hydronym Hostilador, see below.

Proto-Indo-European language

We cannot completely reject the version of the preservation of ancient relic names of the Proto-Indo-European time, in any case, at that time when the division of the Indo-European languages ​​was not yet clearly expressed, i.e. III millennium BC It is also impossible to deliberately deny the existence of now extinct Indo-European languages ​​at certain periods of time, data about which we can only collect with the help of toponymy (as happened with the Paleo-Balkan languages, including the language of ancient Troy). These problems are beyond the scope of my work.

I will only note that it is possible to etymologize toponyms of the second type (from extinct languages) only if these toponyms have elements (stem and suffix) that coincide or correlate with elements of known related languages ​​or reconstructed elements of the proto-language. But in this case, it is doubly difficult to distinguish toponyms of the first type (from the proto-language) from the second.

According to my assumption, the toponyms of the first type, the most ancient, include hydronyms with the suffix –ma. Many of them have common Indo-European roots of ancient origin, for example, mol- (Moloma), lek- (Lekma), Also outside the Kirov region: roots oš- (Oshma, Pizhma Ave.), sar- (Sarma, Moksha Ave.) , ser- (Heart, Serdema, etc. Drunk), etc.

Also contenders for ancient Indo-European origin are two Cobra rivers (if we assume the original root kub-) and two Nemda rivers (Pizhma Ave. and left Vyatka Ave.).

But, generally speaking, a systematic analysis of groups of hydronyms with these suffixes (-ma, -ra, -da) is needed, not limited, of course, to local territories.

I would venture to suggest the presence of very ancient oikonyms. For example, the name of the village looks strange. Mundoro (near the city of Orlov) surrounded by completely Russian oikonyms (Krinichi, Uskov, Nazarov, Boyarskoye, etc.). The name of this settlement surprisingly coincides (of course, taking into account the natural transitions dh>d and o>u for Russian) with the recreated Proto-Indo-European base *mondh-r-o (Pokorny J. 114, I, 730), which can be translated as “wise” or “ cheerful, active." Although, of course, it is more likely to assume a Baltoslavic origin from the common stem *mo dr-, where o is o nasal; Wed lit. mandras “cheerful, active, agile, smart, proud”, Russian. wise - through a nickname or family name. This is also difficult to believe, since then one must assume that this name is at least a thousand years old. But it’s worth coming to the village of Mundoro, on the high bank of the Vyatka, and looking around to understand: this is where our ancestors should have settled if they were wise, active and proud!

Finno-Ugric languages

Since it is believed that the territory of the Kirov region and the entire North-East of Europe was inhabited by Finno-Ugric peoples (plus Samoyeds in the Far North), almost all hydronyms have already been tried to be derived from Finno-Ugric languages. But there really aren’t that many scientific works (let’s note, for example, the works of F.I. Gordeev from Mari El and A.S. Krivoshchekova-Gantman from Perm). At the same time, even the greatest specialists cannot avoid subjectivity, perhaps because they are representatives of small nations.

For example, prof. I.S. Galkin (Yoshkar-Ola) considers the hydronym Vetluga to be a Russian reinterpretation of the Mari name. It is difficult to agree with this: –uga is a typical Baltoslavic suffix, and willow (also Lit. vituols “willow”) is a quite suitable basis for a river toponym, which are often formed from the names of the predominant plants. It is impossible to exclude the formation of the hydronym Vetluga, as well as the appellatives willow and vituols, from the common Baltoslavic root vit- (Russian vit, lit. vyti, etc.) with the meaning “winding”. (Another version: from the Baltic vieta “place” and lauk- “field” - F.I. Gordeev.) The toponymic environment (Volga, Kerzhenets, Usta, Urga) and the simplicity of etymology give preference to the Baltoslavic versions. Another thing: “The Mari have always lived on Vetluga!” If we take this statement on faith, then we have to use Galkin’s exotic reasoning.

But still, if we discard clearly dubious cases, most of the scientific etymologies of specialists from the Finno-Ugric republics must be accepted. Another thing is the work of home-grown toponymists, comparing geographical names with lexemes from numerous dictionaries “by similarity of ringing” (an expression by V.K. Trediakovsky). From here such pearls as Urzhum - “saw a squirrel” (mar.) - appear and become widespread.

When etymologizing from the Finno-Ugric languages, it is necessary to take into account that these languages ​​diverged far from each other, no less, if not more, than the Indo-European ones. For example, the commonality of the languages ​​of the Ugric group with other Finnish languages ​​is visible only to specialists. It is assumed that the languages ​​of this group separated from the common proto-language, according to various estimates, 5 - 7 thousand years ago. But the Baltic-Finnish, Volga-Finnish and Permian lexemes do not have many common lexemes, because experienced strong and varied influences from neighboring languages. Therefore, the etymologization “from the Finno-Ugric language” is meaningless. It is necessary to determine from which specific language groups (or from the ancient proto-language) certain toponyms originated.

Generally speaking, it is most often not difficult to separate place names of Indo-European and Finno-Ugric origin even with a cursory examination. The languages ​​of these families are too different. For example, in Finno-Ugric languages, words never begin (with the exception of borrowings from modern times) with voiced plosive consonants, consonants zh and z. Two consonants in a row in the initial position are extremely rare, while the consonants k, p, t at the beginning of a word clearly predominate. On the other hand, Indo-European languages ​​are inflectional, i.e. word formation occurs primarily with the help of inflections, for example, polysemantic suffixes and endings, while Finno-Ugric languages ​​(as well as Samoyedic and Turkic) are agglutinative, in which words are formed, figuratively speaking, by “sticking” stems and unambiguous affixes.

In toponymy, this is manifested in the fact that the ends of Indo-European toponyms, as a rule, are suffixed: Vyatka, Bystritsa, Letka, Koryazhma, Moloma, Cheptsa, etc. In Finno-Ugric toponyms, the final position usually contains appellatives denoting the type of geographical object; they are called topoformants: Kosyu from yu “river” (Komi), Kolyanur from nur “field” (Mar.), Poryvay from vai “channel” ( udm.).

It is believed that there may be cases of Finno-Ugric topoformants being rejected on Russian soil, but this is a rare exception. More often they are transformed in a certain natural way, based on the linguistic convenience of new “users”. For example, topoformants –nger, -ner, -ner’, -ger with a preceding vowel, according to N.D. Rusinov (51), are derived from the original Mari energy “river”.

It should be taken into account that the Indo-European and Finno-Ugric ends, having different natures, can formally coincide, for example, the Indo-European suffixes –va and –ma coincide in sound with the Finno-Ugric topoformants, going back to the appellatives va – Komi “water, river” and maa – fin . "land, area" True, the Finno-Ugric va is limited in distribution to the area of ​​the Permian languages, because it is not recorded in the languages ​​of other Finno-Ugric groups (most likely, this word is borrowed from Indo-European, cf. water, water, etc., or of Nostratic origin). And no traces of the Permian languages ​​were found far beyond the borders of the current Permian peoples (exceptions are the Far North and Western Siberia, which the Komi mastered together with the Russians).

On the contrary, the appellative maa has analogues in other Finnish languages, but in terms of its semantics, to put it mildly, it is not very suitable for the formation of hydronyms.

Perm languages

The territory of the current settlement of the Perm peoples is directly adjacent to the Kirov region, and the centers of ethnogenesis of the Udmurts were the tributaries of the Vyatka Cheptsa and Kilmez. For these reasons, it is not surprising that in the Vyatka basin there are Permian hydronyms with characteristic river formants -va, -yu, -shor (-sor), -vozh, -cher (-ser), -yol, -yiv (-iv) for the Komi languages and -vay, -shur (-sur) for the Udmurt language. A. Krivoshchekova-Gantman (25, 26) believes that the formant –ya can be not only the Khanty “river”, but also the Perm (Komi) –yu “river”, reworked on Russian soil.

Note that -i can be both a Russian and a Baltic ending, for example, r. Belaya on Russian territory, Akija, Ašvija, Pomija in Lithuania or Nolya and Pilja in the Kirov region. at ltsh. pieliet “pour, pour”; Wed ltsh. noleja "valley" (literally "filled") from noliet "to fill, to fill". The suffix –va is also widely represented in Russian and Baltic hydronymy (Moscow, Protva, Nemolodva, Daugava, Vaduva, Tytuva and countless others) in territories where there are no traces of Permian traces. Of course, as we said above, a comprehensive and accurate picture of the distribution of hydronyms of corresponding origin can only be given by a complete survey of the hydronymy of the Vyatka basin with the compilation of maps. But in relation to the Perm hydronyms, even without deep research, it is clear that the Udmurt, Komi-Zyryan and Komi-Permyak hydronyms are located in the territories of the modern settlement of these peoples or are directly adjacent to them. True, this should also include the territory of the Afanasyevsky district of the Kirov region. (upper reaches of the Kama), where the ethnic group of Komi-Zyuzdins lived, who became Russified in the 20th century.

As for the Komi-Permyak hydronyms, their researcher A. Krivoshchekova-Gantman noticed that their distribution area is wider than the territory of the Komi-Permyak Okrug, spreading to the south from its borders (but not to the west, where the Vyatka basin is located!) - 26.

Udmurt names of settlements penetrate deeply into the territory of the Kirov region up to the mouth of the Cheptsa (and the mouth of the Kilmezi in the south), despite the fact that there are no Udmurt names of rivers in the lower reaches of the Cheptsa. This speaks of the expansion of the Udmurts in modern times. Noteworthy is the abundance in this area (generally speaking, rare in populated areas) of hydronyms derived from the names of settlements (Filippovka, Karinka, etc.) and transparent Russian hydronyms (Svyatitsa, Talitsa, etc.) - then there are in both cases – young people. This means that toponymic continuity was disrupted in this area, from which we can conclude that there was a sharp ethnic change in this area, perhaps catastrophic, already in historical times. Moreover, the previous population was not Udmurt, otherwise the ancient names would have been preserved.

Etymologies from Permian languages ​​regarding hydronyms located outside the territories indicated above, made by amateur toponymists, are unconvincing. For example, the etymology of r. Yurya (left. Velikaya Ave., Vyatka Ave.) from Komi yur “head” (D.M. Zakharov. 18) is doubtful in terms of semantics and toponymic environment. If this is a Finno-Ugric name, then, rather, we need to look for other Finnish or Ugric (or even Samoyed) roots. Wed. R. Yuryugan (left Vetluga Ave. left Volga Ave.), recorded in this form in the Book of the Great Drawing (XVII century - 21), is now called Yuronga. -yugan is a typically Ugric (Mansi) formant, -nga is possibly Mari or Baltic (cf. Palanga, see also below). Also r. Yuryakha (left Mokhovaya Ave., left Pura Ave., Pyasina Ave.) on Taimyr and Yuryakha (Korotaikha Ave.) in the Bolshezemelskaya tundra, where –yakha “river” is a typical Nenets hydroformant. It is natural to assume (though not necessarily) that the basis can be explained from these languages. (Let us note in parentheses that a number of Vyatka and Kama hydronyms, including the Kama itself, have a mysterious correspondence in Taimyr and in the Yenisei basin.)

R. Cobra from Komi Corby “dense forest” is just as incredible, because. It is not clear why the river is called a forest, especially since the dense forest in the northern regions is not a distinctive feature. If r. Oshlan from Perm. osh "bear", then it is not clear where the doe came from. R. Kurchum is explained from the UDM. “bast chum”, but it is also unclear why the river was called chum (the etymology of the name Kurchum must be considered in the context of the entire area ending in -um (cf. Urzhum river), extending far beyond the borders of the Vyatka basin).

Mari language

Mari toponyms are also formed using toponymic formants, indicating the type of geographical object. We have already mentioned above the hydroformants –nger, -ner, -ner, -ger with a preceding vowel. The Mari origin of the hydroformant –nga (-nka) is debatable. At least N.D. Rusinov and A.K. Matveev (33) do not classify it as Mari, unlike Mari researchers. This issue requires further study. Mari oikonyms are characterized by the formants –nur (field) and –yal (village).

The analysis shows that Mari hydronyms are found in the Vyatka-Vetluga interfluve, almost more in its northern part, while on the territory of the Mari El Republic itself Baltic or Baltoslavic names are common, primarily for the most significant rivers. This suggests that the Mari population appeared there relatively late, having evicted, destroyed or assimilated the Baltic or Balto-Slavic population. And in the north of the Vyatka-Vetluzh interfluve, on the contrary, the Mari were assimilated by the Russians, although they remained there until the 18th century.

In the southeast of the Kirov region we see a picture similar to the eastern regions (see the previous section): isoglosses (borders of toponyms of the corresponding type) of Mari oikonyms are located north of the isoglosses of Mari hydronyms. Since, in principle, they are younger, this means that the Mari moved north and east, into the Kirov region, already in historical times.

Of course, these arguments regarding both Perm and Mari toponyms are quite speculative. To clarify the question, it is necessary to analyze hydronyms (since they can be formed from more ancient layers of the language) with unidentified ends, because There may be formants formed from appellatives that have not been preserved in modern languages. In particular, the origin of the river endings –nga, -ezh, -eg, -ym (-im), -um, -ik, etc. is not entirely clear.

At the same time, we will not forget that the basic characteristics of a language do not change significantly even over millennia, therefore, for the most ancient hydronyms (if there are any), the general principles of word formation and phonetics of modern languages ​​apply.

And we note that even without a deep analysis it is clear that among the main tributaries of the Vyatka (except for the Kilmezi, and then with great doubt) there are no candidates for the Permian or Mari origin of the names. These can only be the names of tributaries of the second, third or more orders (i.e. tributaries of tributaries and their tributaries).

Baltic-Finnish languages

In the north-west of the Kirov region there is an area of ​​hydronyms with the final formant – south. Almost all of it is located in the Yug River basin (the Northern Dvina water system), so it is beyond the scope of this work. However, this formant is also found in the border areas of the Vyatka basin, and one hydronym is located quite far beyond the main isogloss (Murdyug River, left Vyatka Ave.).

The chronicled Zavolochsk Chud lived in the basin of the Northern Dvina, and therefore, possibly, the South. The ethnonym Chud, without specification, was applied to the Baltic-Finnish people - the ancestors of the Estonians. It can be assumed that the Zavolochsk Chud was close in language to the Baltic Chud.

Hydroformant -south can (presumably) be derived from Finnish joga "river". Some hydronyms with the hydroformant -yug (but not all) are etymologized from the Baltic-Finnic languages, for example, Pinyug (pr. pr. Yuga) - from Finnish. pieni or Vepsian pen “small”.

The area of ​​the formant-south is close to where the Vepsians live, so perhaps it is necessary to involve instruments of this language. However, the very assignment of the Vepsian language to a certain language group is debatable. Some researchers attribute it to the Baltic-Finnish group, others believe that it occupies an intermediate position between the Baltic-Finnic languages ​​and the Volga-Finnish or Permian languages. Perhaps the extinct language of the inhabitants of the Yug River formed one special group with Vepsian. The problem requires further study, as does the question of whether there are other toponyms belonging to the Baltic-Finnish or to some other, extinct, group of Finno-Ugric languages.

Sami language

The Sami language is formally classified as a Baltic-Finnish group, but due to circumstances that I will discuss below, I have separated the Sami language into a special section. The fact is that the Sami (Lapps, Laplanders) are very different from the majority of Finno-Ugrians in racial terms (they form a special Lapland race) and from all peoples - in their way of life and culture. The Sami language contains a number of lexemes from the primitive stock that are not Finno-Ugric, in particular, denoting concepts associated with reindeer husbandry and reindeer hunting - their primordial occupations for thousands of years.

The Lapps were the first reindeer herders in Europe, and their farming methods are completely original, unlike either the methods of Asian reindeer herders or their closest neighbors in the Arctic - the Nenets (who came from Asia already in historical times).

Therefore, researchers believe (see, for example, Bosi R. /Roberto Bosi/. 6) that initially the language of the Lapps was different, not Finno-Ugric, and then they adopted the language of their more numerous neighbors, leaving only those words that had no analogues in Old Finnish language.

Western laplanologists suggest that the Sami were the oldest (or one of the oldest) people of Western and Central Europe. They inhabited it from Spain to Finland, but then were pushed into the mountains (in the Pyrenees and Alps) and to the North and died out as the reindeer herds were destroyed, surviving only in the territory of what is now Lapland. Anthropologists find similarities with the Laplanders (slight laponoidity) among the Basques and the indigenous inhabitants of the Alps.

It can be assumed that the ancestors of the Lapps occupied the entire forested part of Eastern Europe. Anthropological data do not contradict this. The index of facial flatness (according to G.F. Debets; 16) of the Neolithic population of the forest belt of the Russian Plain (collective series) is 45.0, which indicates the non-Caucasoid character of the population (for Caucasians this index is from -16 to +20), and is correlated with modern Lapps (about 35, the decrease can be explained by slight crossbreeding, i.e. mixing with surrounding Caucasians). Even at the dawn of historical time, the Lapps lived significantly east and south of their current homeland, for example, in the area of ​​Lakes Ladoga and Onega. The area of ​​Sami toponyms, according to generally accepted opinion, includes present-day Karelia, the Arkhangelsk and Vologda regions (see map in the article by E.M. Pospelov - 49, p. 36), closely approaching the Kirov region from the north-west. At the same time, Pospelov himself (101), following Vasmer (107), also deduces the name of the river. Luza (pr. pr. Yuga) from Sami (from Sami luss “salmon”), although Luza flows to the east of the isogloss designated by him. And although this etymology seems more than doubtful (its criticism goes beyond the scope of this work), it is still worth looking for traces of the Sami in the territory of the Kirov region, including in bass. Vyatka. On the territory of the Kirov region there are three villages called Lopari: two in the Slobodsky district and one in Darovsky. The latter is located on the river. Luptyug (Vetluga Ave.), and nearby there is a river. Latyuzhka (left Vetluga Ave.). Maybe the names of these rivers are from Finnish. *lapp-to-joga, which can be translated as “a river inhabited (abundant) by Lapps”?

From hydronyms bass. Vyatka can be considered a contender for Sami origin. Chemelki (Moloma Ave.), which in the charter of Ivan III dated 1485 is recorded as Chemiolina, - under the Sami. čoalme “strait”, a common hydroforming base in the areas of Sami hydronymy (the Chelma and Chelmasruchey rivers in Karelia and the Leningrad region, the Chelmokhta river, etc.). In this case, metathesis could have occurred instead of vowel contraction (which we observe in the Leningrad region) with (and as a result of) very unusual phonetics for Vyatka toponymy.

It is worth paying attention to the rivers Nyuncha and Nincha (List of populated places according to information from 1859 - 1873 104; 30 versts north of the city of Vyatka), the names of which echo the “Samiism” njuktša noted by M. Vasmer and the Sami appellative nyukhch - “swan” " However, the names of these rivers must be compared with the river flowing in the city of Kirov. Lyulchenkoy (Left. Ave. Vyatka; the supposed original form of *Lyulcha) and, taking into account the absence of the Finno-Ugric formant, also check the Indo-European (with German lul-, Old Ind. lulitas and Russian lyuli) and Turkic versions (with Turkic cha (th) “water”).

Hydronyms to the south should also be examined for belonging to the Sami substrate - from the Sami. yogk "river".

But the most interesting thing is the name of the village Kuvakush (on many maps - Murinskaya) in the extreme east of the Kirov region, in the Afanasyevsky district, which is very close to the Sami appellative kuvaksa “portable dwelling” (99, p. 311), and it is likely that the name villages are closer to the original sound than the form noted in the encyclopedia. Wed. also village Kuvakinskaya (Shenkursky district, Arkhangelsk region) and village. Kuivakangas (Norrbotten Province, Sweden, in a forested area on the border with Finland) in those areas where the presence of Sami place names is not surprising.

According to the “List of populated places according to information from 1859 to 1873.” the village of Kuvakush was inhabited by Permians, or more precisely by Zyuzda people, a special ethnographic group of Komi that Russified in the 20th century. It was with the Zyuzda residents N.N. Cheboksarov noted that laponoidity, generally speaking, is not typical for other Komi (Permyaks, Zyryans, Izhemtsev) (79).

The presence of the oikonyms Lopari (in the north-west, center and north of the Kirov region) and Kuvakush (in the east) suggests that even in historical times (within the time of preservation of the names of populated places) relict groups were preserved in the northern half of the Kirov region Lapps, of whom, apparently, not all went to the northeast, but also partially dissolved in the local (newcomer or also autochthonous) population, influencing the racial type of some groups.

Thus, we can conclude that toponymic research in the Sami direction can be productive. But it is possible that the most ancient Vyatka substrate is connected precisely with the disappeared original language of the Lapps, and the task of this identification seems extremely difficult, if not fantastic.

Ugric languages

The appearance of Ugric ethnic groups in the Vyatka region could have occurred in different eras. Hypotheses about the Ugric character of some historical cultures related to the Vyatka land (Ananino, Pyanobor) appeared in the press. The discussion about the ancestral homeland of the Hungarians received especially great press. In this regard, Vyatka hydronyms in -im (-y) were also noted.

In the end, most researchers came to the conclusion that it was pointless to look for the ancestral home of the Hungarians north of the Southern Urals. N.D. Rusinov (51) notes minor Hungarian traces in the toponymy of the Nizhny Novgorod region, where they could have been on the way from the Siberian steppes to Pannonia. But, firstly, the reliability of these traces is doubtful, and secondly, they are in the southern part of the Nizhny Novgorod region, i.e. in a different climatic zone and at a considerable distance from the territory we are considering.

A.K. Matveev, a well-known specialist in Ugric toponymy, first admitted the possibility of an Ugric interpretation of hydronyms in -im, but along with the Finnish one (32. 1970). However, in a later work (35. 1997. pp. 9-10) he actually recognized both of these versions as untenable (as well as for other hydronyms ending in a nasal consonant with a preceding vowel, defining them as “cryptic”).

On the other side:

from written sources we know about the battles of the Vyatchans with the Vogulichs (Mansi), which means that already in historical times the Ob Ugrians lived much closer to Vyatka than now;

in the Kirov region, incl. in bass Vyatka, there are a lot of hydronyms in –ya, some may turn out to be Ugric (we talked about this above);

in the immediate vicinity of the territory in question, to the southwest, on a map of the 16th century. the hydronym Yuryugan was recorded with a typically Ugric (Mansi) topoformant -yugan, and this is even further from the current Mansi territory; in bass Vyatka is a river. Yurya with the same basis and with a formally Ugric ending (but Khanty);

in bass Vyatka is a river. Surgut (Ludyany Ave., left Vyatka Ave.), the name of which coincides with the ancient oikonym in the area of ​​the current settlement of the Khanty; according to the historian of Siberia P.N. Butsinsky Surgut called a whole region like Narym; That. The name of the Vyatka river repeats the name of the Khanty area.

In this regard, I would risk putting forward the opposite version: the Vyatka Surgut is not of Ugric, but of Indo-European origin, and therefore the Siberian Surgut too. It is based on the following facts:

Surgut is not etymologized from the Ugric languages ​​(A.K. Matveev, 35);

the Turkic version (based on synharmonism) did not find lexical confirmation;

in the Russian North-West there is a lake and a river with a similar name Stergut (Ostashkovsky district of Tver province; 3. p. 196), which Ageeva attributes to the Baltism;

Ut is a typical Baltic suffix, widely represented in Baltic hydronymy;

Vyatskaya district Surgut flows close (less than 10 km) to the territory of continuous Baltic hydronymy (which we discussed above);

in the Baltic languages ​​there is a root sarg- (lit. sargus “guard”, Latvian sargat “guard, guard”, sargs “watchman”); stems with similar semantics are often found in toponymy (cf. numerous Vyatka Karauls and Cordons), incl. and in hydronymy with the meaning “border, guard river”; the change a>y is possible due to synharmonism, which is not excluded on Russian linguistic soil for the harmonization of foreign names, but one can also assume the influence of the Turkic or Finno-Ugric substrate population (cf. the Vishkil and Kishkil rivers, located on the other side of the Vyatka Surgut in relation to territory of Baltic hydronymy);

the Tver Stergut can be explained as a partial Russian tracing of the Baltic name, formed under conditions of bilingualism (cf. Russian sterech);

Contrary to popular belief, Western Siberia is characterized by an Indo-European substrate, and the names of the largest rivers (Pyshma, Konda, Tavda, Iset, Ob) belong to it.

In any case, the presence of the hydronym Surgut cannot be considered an argument in favor of Ugric traces in Vyatka toponymy. But, of course, hydronyms ending in –ya, incl. and Yurya, we need to check for possible involvement in Ugric languages. Although we can say with a high degree of confidence that the Ugric ethnic groups, if they ever lived on some part of the Vyatka land, did not leave a deep trace in the Vyatka toponymy.

Samoyed languages

The Samoyed languages ​​are included, together with the Finno-Ugric languages, in the Uralic family of languages, although they diverged a very long time ago (in the Neolithic, if not earlier). The appearance of Samoyeds in Vyatka contradicts the generally accepted historiography of these peoples, therefore the identification of Samoyed place names in this territory can be considered incredible. But still, individual Samoyed traces seem to appear, but I still have too little material even to put forward this version, at least in the form of a hypothesis.

History of Vyatka Land

For a long time (since 1972), I independently (this is my hobby, which I continue to do to this day) collected all the information on the ancient history of all the peoples of the world. This was information on various sciences - archeology, ethnography, anthropology. This information was extracted from various historical reference books, scientific books, popular magazines, newspapers and television, and in recent years from the Internet. Over the course of 30 years (by 2002), I had collected a lot of scientific information and I thought that I was close to my goal - to create a historical atlas of all peoples, tribes and cultures starting from the most ancient times. But, using all the information, such an atlas did not work out, and I began to re-read all the religious literature, myths and legends. Only after this, and also after reading the books of Blavatsky, Roerich and other authors who analyzed myths and legends, did I get a complete picture of the origin of all the peoples of the world starting from 17 million years ago. After that, I completed the creation of my historical atlas, this happened in 2005. Based on my atlas, I wrote the book “Fiction about Ancient History,” from which I can now tell in chronological order the history of the origin of any people in the world. In this article I explore a specific region - the Kirov region. This is the homeland of my father, grandfather and all my ancestors (Perminovs), starting in 1630.
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In ancient times (17-1 million years ago), the landmass on Earth was located completely differently than it is now. There were no modern continents, but there were other continents - Lemuria with the civilization of the Asuras and Atlantis with the civilization of the Atlanteans. The territory of the Kirov region was under water until about 800 thousand years ago.
800 thousand years ago, the territory of Kirov (and its neighboring regions - Kostroma region, Perm region) was still under water. By this time, a continent had already appeared in the east, on which Siberia and the Far East are now located; conditionally, this continent can be called Northern Asia. To the west was the continent of Europe. Between the continents of Europe and Northern Asia there was a large strait, at the bottom of which 800 thousand years ago there was the modern Kirov region and the entire territory from the modern Vetluga River to the modern Kama River, to the east of the modern Kama land already appeared, which later became the Urals. The territory of the Kirov region was at the bottom of the ocean until approximately 199 thousand days ago.
By approximately 199 thousand years BC, the territory in question acquired a look similar to
modern. But in the place of the Kirov region, the Komi Republic, the west of the Perm region and in the east of the Kostroma region (between the Vetluga and Kama rivers) at that time there were a lot of swamps and lakes, this happened because this land rose above the water very slowly. By the way, even now the north of the Kirov region and the Komi Republic have many swamps and lakes. Another interesting note about this time is that it was at this time that the rivers Vetluga, Vyatka, and Kama appeared. But they didn’t flow like they do now. The Vetluga flowed into the Sea of ​​Azov along the beds of the Sura and Don rivers, and the Volga was a right tributary of the Volga. At this time, the rivers Kama and Vyatka (a tributary of the Kama) appeared; the Kama at that time flowed into the Caspian Sea (flowed along the bed of the modern Middle and Lower Volga. Another note - in those days there were no Black, Azov, Caspian and Aral seas as such , at that time these seas were a single large body of water, which included the territory of the Karakum and Kyzyskum deserts (they were at the bottom of this large single sea), the territories north of the Caucasus were also part of the bottom of this large sea.At this time in the Arctic Ocean The continent of Arctida also appeared.
This was the time of the dominance of the Atlantean civilization on Earth, but at this time the continent of Atlantis was divided into two large islands - Ruta and Laitia, and at the same time the Atlanteans began relocating to other territories. Perhaps at this time the first settlers from Atlantis (future Hyperboreans) appeared on Arctida.
By 79 thousand years BC, Arctida and the entire adjacent territory (including the region we are considering) were under powerful glaciers (there was glaciation). Between 79 thousand years ago and 38 thousand years ago there was a warming - the climate was warm. But there were no people on the territory of the Kirov region yet (or there were very few)
At 38 thousand years ago, the same territory was again covered by glaciers of the next glaciation. And again there were no human settlements on the territory of the Kirov region.
By 22 thousand years BC, the territory of Arctida was inhabited by the Hyperboreans, who created
the most advanced civilization at that time. By this time, tribes of the Sungir culture had penetrated the territory of the Kirov region (mostly these tribes lived to the south - between the Volga and Oka rivers. The tribes of this culture were descendants of the Atlanteans who moved from the islands of Atlantis to Europe. Perhaps many will be interested in what language the tribes spoke Sungir culture? Like all the later descendants of the Atlanteans, they spoke a language that has not been preserved. Of the peoples existing today, the closest languages ​​are the Caucasian peoples and the Basques, now living in the north of Spain.
By about 17.5 thousand years BC, tribes of the Gagarin culture began to appear in the region under study (descendants of the Sungir and Kostenki cultures, which were located much to the south). These tribes came from the south and assimilated the tribes of the Sungir culture who were there. At the same time, the entire north of the European part of Russia was inhabited by Hyperboreans.
Around 12500 BC, most likely the late Atlanteans from the island of Poseidonis (Atlantic Ocean) launched a nuclear attack on the Turanian civilization, which was located on the territory of the modern Gobi Desert (at that time there was a large Turanian Sea connected to the Pacific Ocean. As a result of these actions The Turanian Sea began to dry up, and under the influence of radiation, the surviving Turanians acquired Mongoloid characteristics.The result of the use of nuclear weapons was a new cold snap and the appearance of new glaciers.
By approximately 12,000 BC, the territory of the Kirov region was covered with glaciers. At this time, the movement of the Hyperboreans began to the south - to the Middle Urals. They moved south away from the glaciers advancing from the north.
By 10,000 BC, when the glaciers retreated to the north, tribes of the Gagarin culture began to return to the territory of the Kirov region. At the same time, from the east - from the Urals - the descendants of the Hyperboreans began to penetrate into the explored territory.
By 9000 BC, the descendants of the Hyperboreans became the main population of the region under study, displacing the tribes of the Gagarin culture beyond the Volga. For the information of readers - the Hyperboreans are the ancestors of all Indo-European and Ural peoples, as well as the mysterious Sirtya people (who in ancient times were called by the name “white-eyed Chud”)
By 7500 BC, a new archaeological culture, the Shigir culture, began to emerge on the territory of the Perm region and in the east of the Kirov region. The tribes of this culture are descendants of the Hyperboreans (southern group).
By 6500 BC, the tribes of the Shigir culture settled a large strip of land from the Urals to the Baltic Sea. The Kirov region was also inhabited by these tribes. It is believed that these tribes are the ancestors of all Indo-European peoples, but perhaps only the southern groups of these tribes were Indo-Europeans, and the northern group subsequently became Finno-Ugric tribes.
By 4100 BC, the Volga-Kama archaeological culture arose on the territory of the east of the Kirov region and the territory of the Perm region. This culture arose on the basis of one of the northeastern groups of Shigir people. The tribes of this culture are the ancestors of some Finno-Ugric peoples. We can say that from this time on, the territory of Kirovskaya was inhabited by Finno-Ugric tribes.
By 3100 BC, the entire territory of the region under study was inhabited by tribes of the Gorbunov culture. This culture arose on the basis of the Volga-Kama archaeological culture. The tribes of this culture were ancient Finno-Ugrians.
By 1500 BC, the western part of the Kirov region was inhabited by tribes of the Fatyanovo archaeological culture, and the eastern part by tribes of the Gorbunovo culture. These two groups of tribes belong to the tribes of the Finno-Ugrians, but in the Fatyanovo group of tribes the sign of Finnish-speaking tribes was strong (i.e., these tribes spoke a language more similar to the language of modern Finns and Karelians), and among the tribes of the Gorbunovo culture in the language still had many elements of the Ugric languages ​​(the languages ​​of the Hungarians, Khanty, Mansi).
By 1100 BC, tribes of the Prikazan archaeological culture lived on the territory of the Kirov region; this culture developed on the basis of the cultures that preceded it. But again these were Finno-Ugric tribes, although by this time there were very few Ugric elements in the language of these tribes.
By 700 BC, the Ananyin archaeological culture arose on the territory of the Kirov region, it arose on the basis of the Prikazan culture, and these were again Finnish-speaking tribes (Ugric words had almost disappeared by this time). These tribes are the ancient ancestors of the modern peoples of the Udmurts, Komi, and Mari.
By the year 100 BC, on the territory of the Kirov region, on the basis of the Ananyino culture, the Pyanobor archaeological culture was formed; the tribes of this culture were also the distant ancestors of the modern Udmurts and Mari. The ethnic composition of the population of the Kirov region did not change at all until the middle of the 7th century.
In the second half of the 1st millennium AD. Complex ethnic processes took place in the Vyatka basin. In the eastern part of the basin, the formation of Udmurt (Votyak) tribes took place, in the western part the tribes of the northern Mari (Cheremis) were formed, in the north of the region - the Komi tribes. These tribes were formed on the basis of the Finno-Ugric linguistic community. But their settlements were rare in the early Middle Ages. Most of the territory was deserted and covered with virgin forests and swamps. The main occupations of the population were agriculture, livestock breeding and hunting fur-bearing animals.
In the middle of the 7th century AD, the territory Middle Volga The Kama region is penetrated by the Bulgars - a Turkic-speaking people (who appeared on the territory of the steppes of the Northern Black Sea and Azov regions along with the flow of the Huns. It is quite possible that in the 3-4 centuries the Bulgars were still part of the Hunnic people (although it is officially believed that the Huns themselves (Xiongnu) were still in 2nd century BC Mongol-speaking people, but during the movement of this people to the east (from the territory of modern Mongolia to Europe), they were joined by many other Turkic-speaking peoples.By the time the Bulgars appeared in the lower reaches of the Kama and in the Middle Volga, the Bulgarians were subordinated to a large state , located in the lower reaches of the Volga - the Khazar Kaganate.
By the middle of the 8th century, the Bulgars formed their own state in the lower reaches of the Kama and on the territory of the Middle Volga - Volga-Kama Bulgaria. This state was a vassal of the Khazar Kaganate. Apparently the Bulgars in those days actively influenced the life of the population living in the Kirov region. The ancestors of the Udmurts (the Russians called them Votyaks), who lived on the territory of the Kirov region, traded with Bulgaria, and perhaps some of them paid tribute to the Bulgars. Thus, the Votyaks were involved in international trade (Bulgaria traded with many countries in Europe and Asia). Property inequality appears among the Votyak tribes (tribal leaders and elders begin to get rich). In the west of the Kirov region (west of Vyatka and Mologa) lived other Finnish-speaking tribes - the Cheremis. The Cheremis, like the Votyaks, also experienced significant influence from the Bulgars and the Bulgar state.
In 965, Volga-Kama Bulgaria became an independent state (the Khazar Khaganate ceased to exist). From that time on, close relations began to develop between Bulgaria and Kievan Rus, which alternated between peaceful relations and mutual attacks. The Russians often made campaigns in Bulgaria, the Bulgars attacked Russian lands (reached Murom).
Even in the 11th century, the Novgorodians conquered (subjugated) the lands along the Sukhona River, creating the Dvina Land there (these lands were previously inhabited by Finnish-speaking Chud tribes). Since these times, both the Novgorodians (from the north) and the Vladimir residents (from the west and southwest) tried to penetrate the Vyatka Land and subjugate it.
The beginning of the campaign against Vyatka by the Novgorod squad and the founding of the city of Khlynov somehow coincides with the year of the murder of Prince Andrei Bogolyubsky (1174) and the weakening for several years of the Vladimir-Suzdal principality - the main enemy of Veliky Novgorod at that time. Thus, the first Russian settlers on Vyatka Land were the Novgorodians, who came to the territory of the Kirov region from the north.
Archnological research allows us to determine the beginning of the Russian development of the basin of the middle reaches of the Vyatka River at the end of the 12th - beginning of the 13th century." By the way, an interesting point - if before the Bolshevik revolution the year 1181 was considered the year of foundation of Vyatka, then in Soviet times this date became the year 1374. And, thus , in 1974 the 600th anniversary of the city of Kirov was celebrated!.. And according to the old chronology it turns out that the 850th anniversary of the city of Vyatka should be celebrated in 2031
At the end of the XII - beginning of the XIII centuries. Russians began to penetrate into the Vyatka basin, they settled on free lands among the Udmurts and Mari. In the second half of the 13th century. The influx of Russians to Vyatka increased due to the Mongol-Tatar invasion. The oldest Russian settlements are found on Vyatka between Kotelnich and Slobodskoye. Several Russian settlements arose here: Kotelnichskoye, Kovrovskoye, Orlovskoye, Nikulitskoye, Khlynovskoye, etc. The bulk of the settlers went to Vyatka from Novgorod, Ustyug, Suzdal and Nizhny Novgorod lands.
There are many legends and versions about the origin of the word “Vyatka”. In the second half of the 16th century, or more precisely in 1582, the Polish historian Matthew Stryikovsky in his “Chronicle” attributed the founding of the city of Khlynov, which later became Vyatka, and now Kirov, to the legendary prince Prince Vyatko. This prince is a contemporary of the legendary princes Kiy, Shchek and Khoriv, ​​who founded the “mother of Russian cities” the city of Kyiv and founded, according to the chronicles, the principality of the East Slavic tribe of the Polyans. This theory has few supporters and little confirmation.

There is another theory. In the 8th-9th centuries, a large Slavic tribe of Vyatichi lived in the Oka River valley. The Vyatichi defended their independence from Kievan Rus for a long time. Only in 982 the Vyatichi were subordinated to Kievan Rus. Part of the Vyatichi, who did not want to live under the rule of Kiev, went to the northeast, to the territory of the modern Kirov region, settled on the banks of this river, dissolved among the ancient Udmurts (and for this reason, the Udmurts from that time began to be called Votyaks). And the Vyatka River got its name. This theory is more substantiated.
But the most likely reason for the appearance of the name “Vyatka” is associated with the name of the ancient ancient Udmurt tribes - Votyaks. The Ruchichi called the lands of the Kirov region “Votskaya Land”, and later this name was transformed into “Vyatskaya Land”. The Vyatka River also got its name for this reason.
Vyatka was first mentioned in chronicles in 1374 in connection with the campaign of the Novgorod Ushkuiniki against Volga Bulgaria, which at that time was part of the Golden Horde. In the 70s XIV century The Vyatka land was part of the Nizhny Novgorod principality. In 1393, this principality was annexed to Moscow. The Nizhny Novgorod princes, after a long struggle, were forced to submit and received the Vyatka land as their inheritance. In 1411, the Suzdal-Nizhny Novgorod princes made a new attempt to regain their possessions, but were again defeated. The short-lived Vyatka principality was liquidated, the Vyatka land was transferred into the possession of Yuri Galitsky. Vyatchans actively participated in the Feudal War in the middle of the 15th century. on the side of his overlord Yuri Galitsky and his son Vasily Kosoy. The war ended with the victory of Vasily the Dark. The Vyatchans were forced to recognize themselves as vassals of the Grand Duke of Moscow.
In 1412, the famous battle took place between the Vyatchans and the Ustyuzhans (residents of Veliky Ustyug, subordinate to the Moscow Principality). The battle took place at night, in a ravine, later called Razderikhinsky. According to one version, the Ustyun residents came to the aid of the Vyatchans to defend themselves from the Tatars; according to another, they, in alliance with the Moscow princes, wanted to capture the city.
In Rus', Vyatka was the third free veche land after Novgorod and Pskov. This independence, according to the Tale, lasted in the Vyatka land for 278 years - until 1459. In 1459, Vasily the Dark conquers Vyatka, Khlynov is subject to tribute and brought to allegiance to Moscow. The hostile attitude of the Vyatchans towards Moscow is expressed in resistance, disobedience and campaigns against Moscow lands. The first mentions of the cities of Orlov and Kotelnich, founded earlier simultaneously with Khlynov downstream of the Vyatka, date back to 1457 - 1459. Later, the cities of Sloboda and Shestakov were founded, but upstream.
The exact date of foundation of the main city of the Vyatka land - hail Khlynova not found in any historical source. According to the science of archeology, in the middle - second half of the 13th century, it was already a large medieval city. And 1457 is the first mention of the city of Khlynov in chronicles.
In the 60s - early 80s. XV century The Vyatchans, together with the entire Russian people, fought against the Tatar khanates. In 1468, they took part in the campaign of Ivan III’s troops against the Kazan Khanate. In 1471, when the Golden Horde Khan Akhmat was preparing a big campaign against Moscow, and the troops of Ivan III were busy fighting the Novgorod Republic, the Vyatchans under the command of Kostya Yuryev made a bold campaign against the capital of the Golden Horde - the city of Sarai. In 1478, the Vyatchans, with the help of the Ustyug residents, repelled the raid of Khan Ibrahim on Vyatka. During these years, the country was in the process of creating a single centralized state.
In Vyatka, as in other lands, two groups formed. One, led by K. Yuryev, supported the unification activities of Moscow, the other advocated the preservation of the appanage-autonomist system. All R. 80s XV century A fierce struggle broke out between them, in which the anti-Moscow group won. In 1485, the Vyatka boyars refused to take part in the campaign against Kazan led by Ivan III, concluding a separate peace with the Tatars. In response, the Moscow government sent a strong detachment to Vyatka under the command of governor Yuri Shestak Kutuzov, but the Moscow army was unable to take Khlynov and returned back. The Vyatka boyars expelled the Grand Duke's governor and declared Vyatka independent. Supporters of Moscow, led by K. Yuryev, were forced to flee from Khlynov. In 1489, Ivan III sent a 64,000-strong army to Vyatka. In July, Moscow troops captured Kotelnich and Orlov, and in mid-August began the siege of Khlynov. The people of Vyatcha were forced to capitulate, recognize the power of Ivan III and hand over their leaders. In 1490, Vyatka was “divorced”. All boyars, people, merchants were evicted to different places of the Moscow state, and residents of Ustyug and other cities were resettled in their place.
The annexation of the Vyatka land to the unified Russian state had progressive significance. The lands along the middle reaches of the Vyatka and Cheptsy rivers and the Arsk land were considered Vyatka; the actual territory of the future Vyatka district, part of Slobodsky (with the exception of Kaya and its volosts), part of Glazovsky, a small part of Nolinsky, as well as Oryol and Kotelnichsky districts. To the south of Kotelnich, as well as along the Suna and Voya rivers, lived the meadow Mari. It contributed to the development of productive forces, the growth of agriculture, industry and trade. Khlynov in the 17th century was the largest city in northeast Russia.
After the final annexation to Moscow, Khlynov developed rapidly and in the 16th century became the largest city in the northeast of what was then Russia. Craft production grew there and trade expanded. Trade routes to Pomorie, the Volga region, the Urals and Siberia ran through Khlynov. Economic ties were established with Moscow, Novgorod, Vologda, Ustyug, Arkhangelsk, Cherdyn, Solikamsk, Tobolsk, Kazan, Astrakhan and other Russian cities.
In 1580, Abbot Trifon founded the Assumption Monastery in Khlynov. A settlement soon formed around the monastery, which became part of the city.
Until the middle of the 16th century, Khlynov was ruled by a governor appointed by the Moscow government and its tiuns. In 1557, a reform was carried out that established zemstvo (elected) government. City residents elected a zemstvo elder and a city clerk. In Khlynov there was a voivode - a representative of the central government who ruled the entire Vyatka land.
In the 17th century, Khlynov continued to grow as a large craft and trade center for that time. In the 2nd half of the 17th century, manufactory appeared, that is, large-scale production based on manual labor and working for the market. Under 1658, a distillery belonging to the merchant Averky Trapitsyn is mentioned in Khlynov. In the 60-80s there was a bell casting factory here, founded by master F.P. Dushkin.
Trade developed especially successfully. There was a concentration of several shops in the hands of large merchants. Khlynov's trade with many Russian cities expanded. Local merchants exported mainly bread, which they bought from peasants, beef lard, leather, wool, furs and other goods. Khlynov was increasingly drawn into the emerging all-Russian market. In 1607, the Semenovskaya fair was founded in the city, which lasted for several days. Traders and buyers from all over the Vyatka land and from other regions of the country came to this fair.
The growth of industry and trade increased social stratification among the urban population. The dominant position in Khlynov was occupied by serving nobles, clerks (officials), merchants, moneylenders, and clergy. They were opposed by small artisans, working people, domestic servants, and the townspeople's poor (beggars), who experienced cruel exploitation by the city's upper crust. Class contradictions intensified, which led to popular unrest. A serious revolt broke out in 1635. The reason was illegal taxes collected by local authorities. The population refused to pay them. About 1000 people took part in the uprising. The assistant to the governor, Matvey Ryabinin, and the most hated by the masses, the greedy and cruel tax farmer Danila Kalsin, were killed. The rebels returned the money collected from them. But a punitive detachment arrived from Moscow and suppressed the uprising. The rebels were punished, and the most active were exiled to Siberia.
By 1646, there were already 4,670 inhabitants in Khlynov, and in the second half of the century there were already over 5,000 people. The settlement grew mainly in a western direction. Its border reached the modern Karl Marx Street. The territory of the Kremlin has also increased. In 1624, the Transfiguration Convent was built near its northern side. In 1663-1667, all city fortifications were completely rebuilt. The need for a radical restructuring was caused by the rapid growth of the settlement and the unadaptability of Khlynov’s defense structures to the new conditions of military equipment in connection with the improvement firearms. The growth of the peasant movement was also important, which soon led to powerful uprisings that boiled around the Vyatka land: Solovetsky in the north, Razinsky in the Volga region, Bashkirsky in the southeast. The Vyatka region found itself between three centers of the popular movement; the tsarist government hurried to strengthen Khlynov as soon as possible in order to prevent the merger of these movements through the Vyatka land.
In 1710, Peter 1 divided the country into 7 large provinces. Vyatka Land basically became part of the Siberian province. According to the reform of 1719, the Siberian province was divided into 3 provinces - Vyatka, Solikamsk, Tobolsk. The Vyatka province consisted of 7 counties - Khlynovsky, Slobodskoy, Kotelnichsky, Orlovsky, Shestakovsky, Kaigorodsky, Kungursky. In 1727, the Vyatka province became part of the Kazan province. In 1780, the Vyatka governorate was formed from the Vyatka province and from the southern Vyatka districts of the Kazan province. At the same time, the city of Khlynov was renamed the city of Vyatka. In 1796, the Vyatka governorate was transformed into the Vyatka province.
In 1920, part of the territory of the Vyatka province was transferred to the Perm province, the Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, the Votsk and Mari Autonomous Okrug. In 1928, the Vyatka province was liquidated, its territory became part of the Nizhny Novgorod region of the RSFSR.
In 1934, the city of Vyatka was renamed the city of Kirov, and the Kirov Territory was created.
In 1936, the Kirov region was created.